Church History — Part 4: Three Centuries to Win Back Liberty of Conscience (1517–1800)
From the Reformers, Romans, and Radicals of the 16th century, through the 17th century's fight for liberty of worship, to the 18th century's Evangelical Revival that warmed a society gone cold

Note: This piece merges three separate lectures from David Pawson's History of the Church series: the 16th century (54.9 minutes, "Reformers, Romans, and Radicals"), the 17th century (47.7 minutes, England's fight for liberty of worship), and the 18th century (54.9 minutes, the Evangelical Revival). I've folded all three into one essay because they tell a single unbroken story, the cost of state-enforced religion, and the long, hard road back to liberty of conscience. I haven't guessed or embellished any of Pawson's arguments. Wherever I looked something up, checked it against the sources, or corrected a detail, I've left it as an amber margin note woven into the text. The fact-checking this time is heavier than in the first three parts, simply because this stretch of history has more names, dates, and numbers than any other in the series, and it's also the stretch most prone to pulpit legend picking up extra color with each retelling.
From Wittenberg to the Wesleys' parlor
Part 3 closed with Martin Luther standing before the Empire and the Church, declaring "here I stand, I can do no other." But a declaration is not a finished reformation. Pawson opens the next lecture with a question that sounds simple: what is the difference between a Reformation and a Revolution?
The answer lies in two other questions: how much changed, and who changed it. Across the 16th century, Luther's Reformation, as it spread, gradually became a Revolution, because more and more was changed, and more and more different people, in more and more places, took it upon themselves to change it their own way.
The three centuries in this piece tell one continuous story: the Church kept getting "captured" by the state. Kings, parliaments, city councils used worldly power to impose one religion on an entire territory, and the price was always war, prison, or a spiritual life gone cold. These three centuries also tell the story of those who refused to let the state decide their faith, and paid dearly for it.
The Frame For The Whole Lecture
The three R's of the 16th century
Pawson opens by asking: what is the difference between a Reformation and a Revolution? The answer lies in two other questions: how much changed, and who changed it. Luther's Reformation, as it spread, became a Revolution — because more and more was changed, and more and more different people took up the changing.
The Reformers
Luther, Zwingli, Calvin, Knox, Cranmer
Reformed from within, but relied on princes and city councils to impose change on an entire territory — whoever ruled the land decided its religion.
The Romans
Loyola, the Council of Trent, the Inquisition
Did not stand still: the Jesuits, a council that restated doctrine, and a revived Inquisition — three prongs that stopped the Protestant tide after 60 years.
The Radicals
Grebel, Manz, Menno Simons, Hutter
The most radical question of all: who should do the reforming? Answer: not the state. A voluntary church, separate from the state — persecuted by Rome and the Reformers alike.
PHẦN MỘT: THẾ KỶ 16: REFORMERS, ROMANS, RADICALS
Pawson divides the evening into three groups, the "three R's": the Reformers, the Romans (how the Catholic Church reacted), and the Radicals (the group Pawson's own church, Gold Hill, actually descends from). He examines the Reformers in three countries: Germany, Switzerland, then England.
Germany: Martin Luther, and the man who stopped halfway
Who changed Germany? Obviously Martin Luther. How much? Pawson answers: in the first four or five years, a great deal. Luther got rid of the Pope, got rid of bishops, got rid of indulgences, got rid of purgatory, got rid of a host of other things, and reduced the sacraments from seven to two.
Then came the crisis: Luther had to go into hiding at Wartburg Castle. When he came out, he found to his horror that some friends were carrying the change much further and much faster than he'd intended. He stood in his own pulpit and asked: how dare you do this? And from that point, Luther largely stopped changing things. Very few changes came after that.
The result: Luther kept a great deal of what Rome had. He kept candles on the altar, something the Bible certainly doesn't have, but he kept it. He kept crucifixes, go into a Lutheran church and you'll often see one, which may surprise you. He kept images and pictures. And above all, he kept his own traditional practice around the Lord's Supper and baptism: he still believed, in some sense, that the bread and wine actually were the body and blood of Christ, he never quite got over that. And he kept infant baptism. When someone asked, but surely faith is needed for baptism, his reply was: who's to say the baby doesn't have faith?
✍︎Kit's note
The unnamed friends at Wartburg have a very specific name: Andreas Karlstadt, Luther's own Wittenberg colleague. In Luther's absence, Karlstadt led a program of iconoclasm, abolished vestments and private confession, and pushed a more radically spiritualized view of the Supper. Luther's return produced eight straight days of preaching, the "Invocavit Sermons" (named for the first Sunday in Lent, March 1522), reasserting a slower, gentler pace of reform. Karlstadt was eventually pushed out of Wittenberg and drifted toward positions close to the Swiss Reformed and even proto-Anabaptist views before dying in Basel in 1541, making him an interesting hinge figure between Pawson's later "Reformers" and "Radicals" categories.
Who carried the change out? Here's a rather startling answer: Luther relied on the princes. In other words, this was a state-driven change. Lutheranism, like Roman Catholicism, was an established religion. From the very beginning, Luther relied on princes, dukes, and the Elector of Saxony, particularly a man called Frederick, to reform "from the top." Whoever ruled the land, Luther regarded as also ruling the church.
The result: at a Diet in Speyer, it was decided that each territory would adopt the religion of its prince. If you lived where the prince was Catholic, you were Catholic. If the prince was Lutheran, you were Lutheran. A group objected violently to this, and it's from that "protest" that the word Protestant was born.
✍︎Kit's note
The word "Protestant" actually traces to two Diets of Speyer, not one. The first Diet of Speyer (1526) granted temporary toleration, letting each territory choose its own religion (the principle later Latinized as cuius regio, eius religio). The second Diet of Speyer (1529) reversed that toleration; in response, the Elector of Saxony, the Margrave of Brandenburg, several other princes, and fourteen imperial free cities filed a formal protestatio on 25 April 1529, this document, not a vague "group," is the direct root of "Protestant."
The result of this church-state fusion: by the start of the 17th century, the Catholic states banded together and went to war with the Protestant states, who had also banded together, the famous Thirty Years' War. That's the kind of end product this mistake produces: when the state here says everyone must be this religion, and the state there says everyone must be that religion, sooner or later you get religious war. And the pattern spread from Germany to Denmark, Sweden, and Norway, all adopting Lutheranism as a state religion, binding on every citizen.
✍︎Ghi chú của Kit
Số bí tích giảm từ bảy xuống hai là đúng với Luther, nhưng con số bảy không phải là một "phát minh" của riêng Rome mà Luther đang thoát ra. Đó là sự đồng thuận chung của toàn bộ Hội Thánh trước Cải Chánh, cả Đông lẫn Tây (báp-têm, thêm sức, Tiệc Thánh, xưng tội, hôn phối, truyền chức, xức dầu bệnh nhân). Bước chuyển sang chỉ còn hai bí tích của Luther là một sự đoạn tuyệt với toàn bộ Hội Thánh cổ, không chỉ với "Rome."
The debate over the Lord's Supper wasn't only a Western argument. Between roughly 1573 and 1581, Lutheran theologians at Tübingen sent the Greek-translated Augsburg Confession to Patriarch Jeremias II of Constantinople, hoping to find common ground. He replied with three careful theological letters, agreeing on some points but rejecting Luther's core positions on grace, the sacraments, and the Fathers' authority to interpret Scripture, then closed the correspondence with: "Go your own way, and do not send us further letters on doctrine, but only letters written for friendship's sake." The Reformation genuinely reached the East, and was declined, on Orthodoxy's own terms.


Switzerland: Zwingli, who died on the battlefield, and Calvin, who stayed one night and ended up staying twenty years
Luther neither started the Reformation in Switzerland nor helped it, it began entirely on its own. There were two men: a German Swiss, and a Frenchman.
Huldreich Zwingli was an ordinary parish priest of the Catholic Church in a small village in German-speaking Switzerland. He became a Protestant by reading his Greek New Testament, exactly what happened to Martin Luther, in fact a few years before it happened to Luther. Zwingli was invited to be priest at Zurich Cathedral (the Grossmünster). He preached the new truths he'd found in this book, and swept the city of Zurich along with him.
Among the things he taught: it was wrong for the Pope to have an army, staffed with Swiss mercenary troops. (Interestingly, if you visit the Vatican today, you'll still see Swiss Guards protecting it, the very practice Zwingli spoke against.) He gave up his allegiance to the Pope and got married, two things that often seem to go together. Many other priests followed him.
He eventually persuaded the city council, and notice this, that everyone in Zurich must now be Protestant. Once again, the same sad mistake. But it was carried through. Zurich became officially Protestant, as did all the valleys leading out from it. The trouble was that people in the mountains and forests didn't follow. Soon the valley people and the mountain people were fighting each other. A war lasting two years broke out in the Zurich region, and during it, Zwingli himself, who was fighting, was killed at a small place called Kappel.
✍︎Kit's note
"A war lasting two years" needs unpacking: there were actually two separate, short Kappel Wars, not one continuous conflict. The First War of Kappel (June 1529) ended almost bloodlessly with a negotiated armistice (sometimes nicknamed the "Kappel Milk Soup" war, the two armies reportedly shared a communal soup at the front line before real fighting began). The Second War of Kappel came two years later, on 11 October 1531: a single battle, over in under an hour, where roughly 2,000 Zurich troops were routed by 7,000–8,000 Catholic-canton troops. Zwingli, serving as army chaplain, died among the roughly 500 Zurich dead. A gruesome detail Pawson leaves out: Zwingli's body was afterward quartered and burned as a heretic's by the victorious Catholic side, a reminder this was fought as personally as it was politically.
Before he died, Zwingli had a major dispute with Luther over the Lord's Supper. Luther said: that bread is the body, that wine is the blood of Christ. Zwingli said: that's just bread, just wine, symbols of his body and blood. And Pawson observes: perhaps that's why the Germans and the Swiss never came together in the Reformation.
The story moves to France. A young man called John Calvin, born in Picardy, the son of a lawyer, was put to the study of law by his father. He studied at the universities of Paris, Orléans, and Bourges, where Calvin got his logical mind. He remained a lawyer to his dying day in his speech, his clarity of thought, and his devastating arguments, it's Calvin's arguments that persuaded so many people to become "Calvinists."
Calvin came to Paris, studied the Greek New Testament, and was converted (around 1532–34). Within months he was imprisoned in Paris for his Christian views. Released, he fled as a refugee, wandering from place to place.
He found himself in the Swiss city of Basel at the age of 26, and decided to write down his Christian beliefs. That book was The Institutes of the Christian Religion, still acclaimed as one of the greatest expositions of the Protestant faith in the world, still sold and read today.
✍︎Kit's note
The image of a "26-year-old writing 600 pages in one sitting" conflates two different books. The actual 1536 edition Calvin wrote at 26 was a slim, six-chapter catechetical work, roughly 200–250 pages, loosely modeled on Luther's Large Catechism, nothing like 600 pages. The massive, multi-volume Institutes still read and taught today is the 1559 Latin edition, four books, 79 chapters, the product of five successive revisions across more than two decades, finished when Calvin was nearly 50. The real story is less "a 26-year-old writes a masterwork in one sitting" and more a promising young scholar's first primer, patiently rewritten across a working lifetime.
He advocated church on Sunday morning and playing bowls on Sunday afternoon, he did it himself, and we owe (or blame) Calvin for the "Continental Sunday." But something far deeper mattered more: this man believed God was on the throne. He believed in the sovereignty of God, that God's will is the final factor deciding the history of nations and of men. And it's because of that tremendous logical emphasis on divine sovereignty and the doctrine of predestination that Calvin gave his name to people who think that way: Calvinists. But Calvin believed it, and so did Luther, and so did Zwingli, and so did all the Reformers: that God is on the throne, in absolute control of everything and everyone.
Calvin was still fleeing from place to place as a refugee. One day, trying to get back into France, he found a minor war going on right on his route, so he took a detour and failed to reach his destination by evening. He settled for the night where he found himself, and that place was called Geneva. Because he'd taken that detour and meant to stay one night only, he stayed 20 years, and Geneva became the center of Presbyterianism for the whole world.
Word got around that Calvin, the young author of those books, was in Geneva, and the local parish priest, a man called William Farel, hurried to the inn and said: Calvin, I want you to stay here. He said: a year ago the council decided Geneva should be Protestant. But it hasn't worked out, they're getting as drunk as ever, gambling as much as ever, nothing has changed, the people aren't changing. We need a man like you. Stay. And Calvin agreed.
✍︎Kit's note
Farel's appeal was far more forceful than Pawson's gentle dialogue suggests. Tradition (and Calvin's own later words) holds that Farel effectively pronounced a curse on Calvin's planned quiet scholarly life if he refused to help, something like "may God curse your repose... if you refuse to help us in this work of the Lord", which is why Calvin says he was "stricken with terror" into staying. Also: Geneva's council had voted for the Reformation only in May 1536, just months before Calvin's arrival (not "a year ago"), meaning the city's Protestant experiment was even newer and shakier than Pawson's telling implies.
Calvin was fairly strict. He wasn't having any funny business. He would haul a man before the church and hand him to the magistrates for this, that, or the other. But he pulled the city around until it became well-behaved, though "city" here meant a population of just 13,000. With strict discipline, he cleaned the place up, so much so that three years later he had to flee for his life, to Strasbourg. But after he left, the city collapsed; things went from bad to worse. A deputation came asking him back. And back came Calvin, for 20 more years.
He carried the reformation much further this time. No crucifixes. No candles. And, dare he say it, no organs either; people should sing. He carried the changes further than Martin Luther ever did, and instituted what's now known as the Presbyterian system of church government, in which the church is governed by bodies of laymen, pastors, and elders together, with local bodies meeting in representative assemblies overseeing wider areas.
Geneva became a place Protestants fled to for refuge, altogether 6,000 more came to live there, escaping persecution. And naturally, they picked up Calvin's ideas. When it was safe to return home, they carried Calvin's faith and Calvin's way of running a church with them.
✍︎Kit's note
The "6,000 more" figure is on the low side. Documented totals run to roughly 8,000 granted residence in Geneva between 1549–1587, with about 3,000 settling permanently; the city's population roughly doubled at the height of the influx, reaching about 25,000 around 1560.
But, worth adding, Calvin made the same mistake in reverse: fusing church and state. Only this time he didn't say the state must govern the church. He said the church must govern the state. If a church member misbehaved, Calvin expected the city's magistrates to deal with him. Once again, church and state were confused. It didn't lead to war in Geneva, though it did elsewhere.
✍︎Kit's note
That last line, "though it did elsewhere", is exactly where the sharpest correction belongs. Calvin's real, well-documented failure on religious coercion isn't a war at all, it's the 1553 burning of Michael Servetus in Geneva, for anti-Trinitarian heresy. Calvin acted as a prosecution witness and, to his partial credit, unsuccessfully petitioned for the more merciful method of beheading rather than burning. Roland Bainton's Hunted Heretic (1953) is the standard account. This matters more because Pawson, later in the "Radicals" section, misattributes a different execution to Calvin, Felix Manz's drowning, which happened when Calvin was 17, still a student in France, not yet converted, and had never set foot in Zurich. The two errors compound: Pawson has Calvin drowning an Anabaptist nine years before Calvin ever left France, while omitting the one execution he was actually responsible for.
From Geneva, the influence reached France.




France: the Huguenots, and Scotland: John Knox
The Protestants of France leaned closer to Calvin than to Luther, and became known as the Huguenots. By the end of the French king's reign during which Calvin began his work, there were already some 20,000 Huguenots in France. They grew and grew, until the terrible St. Bartholomew's Day, 24 August 1572. If you know your history, you know that on that day roughly 22,000 French Huguenots were slaughtered, 2,000 in Paris alone. Person after person was put to death across the whole of France. The Huguenots fled, to England, to the Netherlands. If you meet a family with a French-sounding surname, there's a good chance their ancestors came over with that Huguenot flight. Perhaps tonight, in this church, there are families descended from those who fled the St. Bartholomew's Day massacre.
✍︎Kit's note
The death toll should be read as an estimate, not a fixed number. The commonly cited modern range is 5,000–30,000 nationwide; partisan contemporary sources varied even more, from 2,000 (a Catholic apologist) to 70,000 (the Huguenot Sully, inflated). Pawson's national figure (22,000) sits within the plausible range but isn't a consensus number; his Paris figure (2,000) is at the low end, modern research using burial records and bodies recovered from the Seine more often cites roughly 3,000 dead in Paris in the first five days alone. Modern historiography also reads the massacre less as a premeditated royal plan than as a sanctioned assassination of Huguenot leadership that spiraled out of control into mob violence, driven by Catherine de' Medici's dynastic fear, not, whatever Pope Gregory XIII's later, controversial celebration of the news implied, a papal order.
But the country most heavily influenced by Geneva was Bonny Old Scotland. I can't go into the whole history of Scotland, much to the disappointment of the Scots, but let me mention four great Scotsmen.
Patrick Hamilton was the Scot who started the Reformation there, but was burned in 1528. His work was taken up by George Wishart, who had been to Switzerland, but he too came to a sticky end. But the man who really finished the job was John Knox.
He's a colorful character: a student at Glasgow University, then chaplain of St. Andrew's Castle for the Scottish army; the French took the castle and sold Knox as a galley slave, there he was, rowing as a slave. The English rescued him; he came to England, then got into trouble with Queen Mary, fled to the Continent, to Geneva and Calvin. Knox was ripe for these ideas, and he came back to Scotland determined: I'm going to make Scotland Presbyterian. He once prayed: "Lord, give me Scotland, or I die."
✍︎Kit's note
"Lord, give me Scotland, or I die" is a ubiquitous line in popular retellings of Knox but has no traceable primary source, no letter, sermon transcript, or contemporary eyewitness account carries it verbatim. Treat it as received oral tradition capturing Knox's well-documented zeal, not a sourced quotation.
In 1560, the Scottish Parliament voted for Protestantism. That same year, they held their first General Assembly. But in 1561, the beautiful and wily Mary, Queen of Scots, returned, and with her beauty and guile she won over most of the Protestant nobility. And so Mary Queen of Scots and John Knox stood face to face. It's a most dramatic story, and if you have any feel for history, you should read it. Nevertheless, after a civil war, Mary Queen of Scots was captured, abdicated in favor of her infant son James, and was ultimately beheaded for treason by Elizabeth I of England. Knox's teaching won the ground, and Scotland has been Presbyterian ever since, the Church of Scotland reflects the Church of Geneva, while the Church of England sits closer to the Lutheran churches. The Church of Scotland owes everything to John Knox.
✍︎Kit's note
One date needs fixing: Parliament's vote was 1560, not 1559 as Pawson's opening line has it (his very next sentence, "1560: first General Assembly", is correct and quietly self-corrects). The Scottish Reformation Parliament met in Edinburgh from 1 August 1560, approved the Scots Confession on 17 August, and passed the acts abolishing papal jurisdiction and outlawing the Mass on 24 August 1560. One detail that actually strengthens Pawson's own church-state critique: the 1560 acts were technically illegal at the time, Mary of Guise, the regent, had just died in June 1560, and the actual monarch, Mary Queen of Scots, was in France and never ratified them; the Crown only formally ratified them in 1567. Scotland's Reformation began as much as a parliamentary/noble coup as a grassroots movement.
When Knox died, leadership passed to the last great Scot I want to mention: Andrew Melville, who told King James: "Sire, there are two kings and two kingdoms in Scotland. There is King James, of whom I am a loyal subject; and there is the Lord Jesus Christ, King of the church, of whom James himself is a subject."
✍︎Kit's note
Melville's actual wording (via Calderwood's History of the Kirk of Scotland, drawing on James Melville's diary) is sharper and opens differently: "Sir, as I have told you before, I must tell you again: you are God's silly vassal. There are two kings and two kingdoms in Scotland: there is Christ Jesus the King of the church, whose subject King James the Sixth is, and of whose kingdom he is not a king, nor a lord, nor a head, but a member." The line most worth restoring is the one Pawson drops, "God's silly vassal", a sharper rebuke than his paraphrase conveys, and arguably an even better illustration of his own point about the church's independence from royal power.



England: a "typical English muddle," Henry VIII to Elizabeth I
Now we come back to our own nation. What happened in England all this time? Pawson says it plainly: the English Reformation was a typical English muddle. It really was a typical compromise, we muddle through and say "that'll do", we don't work by principles, we're terribly pragmatic, we ask does it work, and whatever works is deemed right. This is very English, and the Reformation is quite typical of it.
It started, of course, with Henry VIII and his wanting to marry another woman. But this has been badly misunderstood, let me give the fuller facts. Henry VIII was pressed by others into marrying Catherine of Aragon, and it was an illegal marriage, because she was his brother's widow, so he should never have married her in the first place. But under pressure from various quarters, including the Pope, who granted him special permission to marry illegally, he was pushed into the marriage for political reasons. Every child she bore died, except one, the little girl Mary, who later became the infamous "Bloody Mary." He had no son to carry on the Tudor line, and he knew that when he died, civil war would follow without a male heir. Most people in England at the time took it as a sign of God's judgment on the marriage.
✍︎Kit's note
The marriage wasn't really "forced" by contemporaries in the sense implied, it was arranged by Henry's own father, Henry VII, to preserve the Spanish alliance and Catherine's dowry, after his brother Arthur's death in 1502. Because canon law barred marrying a deceased brother's widow, Pope Julius II issued a dispensation in 1503–04, an ordinary (if politically convenient) canonical dispensation, not "special permission to marry illegally." The real ambiguity: Julius II's dispensation hedged on whether Arthur and Catherine's first marriage had been consummated, and that hedge became the crux of Henry's annulment case two decades later.
Then he met Anne Boleyn, a woman he genuinely loved, who might well have made a good queen and a legal wife. (I'm not justifying Henry VIII, I'm giving you the full facts.) He applied to the Pope for an annulment of the first, illegal marriage, but by then politics had shifted, and for political reasons the Pope said no. So Henry VIII said: fine, from now on I don't obey the Pope. Step by step, Henry separated the Church of England from the Pope, as England is separated from the Continent by the English Channel.
✍︎Kit's note
It was Pope Clement VII, not Julius II, who refused the annulment, and Catholic historian Eamon Duffy reads that refusal as political capitulation, not principled canon law: Clement was "in the power of Catherine's nephew Charles V, whose armies sacked Rome in 1527... afraid to grant Henry's request." Duffy is sharper still on Henry's supposedly tender conscience over Leviticus 20:21, a conveniently timed scruple that erased Mary's own existence as evidence God hadn't cursed the marriage after all.
The most ironic part of the whole story: as a young man, Henry VIII was something of an amateur theologian, he wrote a book against Martin Luther, and the Pope was so pleased he gave him the title "Defender of the Faith", a title our own queen still carries today, stamped on the coins in your pocket. He earned it for attacking Martin Luther. Did you ever know that? What a muddle the English Reformation is.
✍︎Kit's note
The irony runs deeper than Pawson tells it, and telling it in full makes his own "typical English muddle" point better than his version does. Pope Leo X did grant Henry the title on 11 October 1521 for his Assertio Septem Sacramentorum against Luther. But when Henry broke with Rome, Pope Paul III revoked it. It was then restored to Henry and his successors, not by the Pope, but by Act of Parliament in 1543, on an entirely different, Crown-derived legal basis. So the title on Elizabeth II's coins today isn't an unbroken line from Leo X, it needed a mid-Reformation legal reboot via Parliament.
Henry married Anne Boleyn mainly because he'd put a friend of his into the Archbishopric of Canterbury, a man called Thomas Cranmer. Cranmer said: I will annul your first marriage, because I'm convinced it was illegal from the start, so I annul it, you may marry Anne Boleyn, and he secretly conducted the wedding. Henry, now head of the church and broken from Rome, was also short of money, so he seized England's wealthy monasteries and sold their lands to individuals, creating, for the first time, England's middle class, with effects on social life ever since.
But the main point is this: Henry VIII never wanted England to go Protestant. He wanted everything to carry on as before, minus the monasteries, whose loyalty to the Pope ran too strong, but with himself as Pope instead. That's basically and simply what he wanted. But he reckoned without several factors.
He reckoned without the fact that this book was being feverishly translated into English by a man called William Tyndale, hounded around England, forced to flee to the Continent, and finally burned at the stake. But Tyndale gave us the English Bible on which every other English revision has been based, and that Bible, during Henry's reign, was placed, one copy, in every church in England, and for the first time people could go and read it. Henry reckoned without that. Do you notice? Every time, it's this book that sets people free. Every time, it's the chance to read it that produces the most extraordinary things.
Henry also reckoned without men like Thomas Cromwell, the minister behind the dissolution of the monasteries, not to be confused with Oliver Cromwell of the next century, sympathetic in his heart to Protestant ideas, as Cranmer was; without the widespread resentment that the Pope still drew money out of England, "Peter's pence" and other "annates," the tributes still paid. But Henry feared the pace of change, and, sadly, executed Catholics and Reformers alike toward the end of his reign, leaving England in a ferment when he died, but leaving the throne to a boy of ten, a very serious little Christian even then, deeply influenced by Cranmer, and sympathetic to England continuing to change.
✍︎Kit's note
Pawson calls him "Thomas Cranwell" and pointedly adds "not to be confused with Oliver", he means Thomas Cromwell (c. 1485–1540), Henry VIII's chief minister and the real architect of the monastic dissolution (1536–1541) and the seizure of Church property, entirely distinct from Oliver Cromwell, the 17th-century Parliamentary leader who appears later in this series. Same surname, over a century apart, with no confirmed direct blood relation.
The Typical English Muddle
The Tudor pendulum: four monarchs, four reversals
Henry VIII
1509–1547
Breaks with Rome, keeps old doctrine
Edward VI
1547–1553
Protestantizes: Book of Common Prayer
Mary I
1553–1558
Back to Rome, ~300 martyrs
Elizabeth I
1558–1603
The “halfway house” — Elizabethan Settlement




Edward VI. During this boy king's brief reign, several things happened: clergy were allowed to marry; the Lord's Supper in the Church of England took on a Protestant character, and the altar was called a table; and, more importantly, services were put into English for the first time instead of Latin, and a book was prepared called the Book of Common Prayer, a book for everybody to use, not just a priest who knows Latin up front, but a book so the common people could pray. After its second revision it became the Book of Common Prayer which, largely unchanged, is still the one used in a Church of England service today. We owe that to that boy king, or rather, to his reign.
One rule brought in under this boy king: every priest had to preach at least four times a year. Can you imagine the state of the church, needing a rule to make people preach four times a year? That's a small window into the state of the Church of England at the time. Under Cranmer, they also began drafting Articles of Religion, up to 42, later cut down to 39. During Edward VI's reign, Protestant refugees also returned to England, and to Cambridge, my old university, came a famous professor of theology from Strasbourg, by the name of Martin Busser, teaching Cambridge students the Protestant understanding of the gospel of Christ.
✍︎Kit's note
The name is Martin Bucer (1491–1551), Pawson's spoken pronunciation ("Busser") reflects the German, but the standard English spelling is Bucer. He held the Regius Professorship of Divinity at Cambridge from 1549 until his death there in 1551, a genuinely significant continental Reformer (close to both Luther and Calvin) whose brief Cambridge tenure shaped a generation of English Reformers.
Then the boy king died, and the throne passed to his half-sister, daughter of a Spanish mother, Mary. Mary, half Spanish by blood and wholly Spanish in outlook, married Philip of Spain and was determined to bring England back to Rome. 1,200 married clergy were put out of a job. The pendulum swung right back, and during Mary's reign nearly 300 great Christians were put to death, earning her that dreadful nickname: Bloody Mary. She deserved it.
In Oxford, on the main street outside Balliol College, there's a memorial to two men, Latimer and Ridley, burned at the stake during Mary's reign for their Protestant faith. And you'll remember Latimer's words to Ridley: "Be of good comfort, Master Ridley, and play the man; we shall this day light such a candle, by God's grace, in England, as I trust shall never be put out."
✍︎Kit's note
Latimer's famous line is close but not exact, and there's a real asterisk over its authenticity. The standard wording from Foxe is: "Be of good comfort, Master Ridley, and play the man; we shall this day light such a candle, by God's grace, in England, as I trust shall never be put out." Pawson's "torch" is his own paraphrase of "candle." More importantly, this line appears only in the 1583 edition of Foxe's Book of Martyrs, not the earlier 1563 edition, raising real doubt about whether it was said verbatim at the stake, or added/embellished two decades later for literary effect. Treat it as beloved and quotable, not iron-clad verbatim history.
During Mary's reign, Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury, under great pressure signed a document recanting the changes he'd made. But you can't change that easily, and in his heart he knew he'd been wrong, and he too soon found himself headed for the stake. When the time came to be tied to it, he publicly declared his utter remorse over recanting his Protestant stand, and thrust the arm that had signed the paper into the flame, watching it burn to a cinder. He said: that hand, which signed such a paper, must be burned first. That was Cranmer, and 300 others. Hooper was burned at Gloucester; many others burned at the stake, the fires of Smithfield, you've heard of them. Four bishops and one archbishop, and many other leading preachers, were put to death during Mary's reign.
✍︎Kit's note
The nearly-300 figure and the senior clergy named check out: standard tallies (following Foxe, cross-checked by modern historians) put the number burned at 284, with roughly 30 more dying in prison, totaling near 300–314. Cardinal Reginald Pole, the papal legate, who had earlier had his own mother executed by Henry VIII, formally absolved both Houses of Parliament and brought England back under Rome in a special evening session on 30 November 1554, still called "Reconciliation Day" in older Catholic martyrologies. A striking coincidence: Pole died on the same day as Mary I, 17 November 1558.
You can imagine the sigh of relief when Elizabeth I came to the throne. In the Pope's eyes, and many others', she was an illegitimate child; the Pope held Mary Queen of Scots to be the rightful heir, and there lies the root of the treason charge between Mary Queen of Scots and Elizabeth. But the persecution ended, and refugees came flooding back to England.
It's in Elizabeth I's reign that the typical English muddle we call the Church of England really took shape. Elizabeth liked ornate services, liked vestments, liked ritual, so she was unhappy about letting those things go. She said Edward's second Prayer Book was too Protestant, and had it revised, pulling it back toward Rome. She even stopped the practice of clergy meeting to study the Bible together, something that had been doing a power of good in this land. Yet she couldn't turn the clock back as Mary had tried to, and the Elizabethan Settlement, as it's called, settled for a kind of halfway house. And if you want to know why the Church of England today can hold both evangelicals and Anglo-Catholics, you have to go back to Elizabeth I, because leaving things in a halfway position, imposed by Parliament, threw the door wide open to exactly that kind of mixture.
The Book of Common Prayer remains largely Protestant, not entirely, but largely. And the 39 Articles finally drawn up under Elizabeth's reign are a wonderful statement of Protestant faith. Any clergyman who preaches the 39 Articles is a clergyman preaching the gospel. Sadly, not everyone does, but it's there, in the book, and there's enough Protestantism in it to build a thoroughly evangelical Church of England, but also the possibility of the other, which came later.




Elizabeth died unpopular, though her popularity rebounded when Philip II of Spain, incensed at the execution of Mary Queen of Scots, vowed to invade England by force and bring it back to the Pope. He sent a fleet, the Spanish Armada, 160 ships, 30,000 marine troops, with an army massed on the other side of the Channel ready to cross the moment the invasion began. England was in desperate straits, no allies, and the massed might of Europe seemingly bearing down the Channel.
But England had Sir Francis Drake, and the stories about him you probably know better than I do, how the Armada was routed by superior English seamanship, and how it seemed as if even God fought for England that day, as the winds proved too strong for Spain's unwieldy galleons, wrecking them along the English and Scottish coasts, where wreck-hunters are still searching for them to this day.
✍︎Kit's note
Ship and troop counts are inflated. Modern estimates: roughly 124–141 ships (commonly cited around 130) left Lisbon in May 1588, not 160. The troop figures are also conflated: the fleet itself carried roughly 8,000 sailors and 18,000–19,000 soldiers (about 26,000–27,000 total aboard), not 30,000 "marine troops." The figure closer to 30,000 actually belonged to the separate land army the Duke of Parma had massed in Flanders, waiting to cross once the fleet cleared the way, likely the true source of Pawson's "30,000," misapplied to the fleet itself.
Pawson adds a personal detail: a wrecked Spanish galleon off northern Scotland, sailors coming ashore and being called "Saint Clare", marrying local girls and founding the Sinclair clan. His own mother was a Sinclair, so, by his account, he carries Spanish blood from the Armada. (This is purely a family anecdote, not a verified historical event, but a charming detail showing that even Pawson found his own small thread woven into this much larger story.)
Summing up the Reformers: in none of the three places, Germany, Switzerland, England, was the Reformation carried through to a full conclusion, for the same reason: church and state stood too close together. Either the state ran the church, or the church ran the state, and the result was always a religion imposed on an entire region, eventually leading to war. Pawson asks: is there anything more tragic than people fighting wars over religion, in the name of Christ, in the name of Christianity, killing one another?

The Romans: three prongs of the Counter-Reformation
So what were the Romans doing all this time? By 1580, 60 years after Luther, Protestantism had spread through much of Germany, to Denmark, Norway, Sweden, a good deal of Switzerland, a fair bit of France, to England, and by 1580, Ireland and Germany remained Catholic. The odd thing is that all this happened in 60 years, and then for the next 300 years the boundaries stayed almost exactly the same, and largely still are. Why did Protestantism spread so quickly in 60 years, then come to a halt?
The answer: when you study what the Romans were doing, you find a movement called the Counter-Reformation. There had been an attack on Rome that had robbed her of half of Europe, and Rome wasn't going to sit down under that. Three things happened that stemmed the flood.
First: Ignatius Loyola and the Jesuits. Loyola was a Spanish nobleman badly wounded in war, lying with a shattered leg in hospital for months. During that time he had visions and a change of heart religiously, he became a devout Catholic, believing his life's calling was to stop the spread of Protestantism. He believed doing so meant fighting in a very different way than other armies, you might almost call his followers "the Salvation Army of Rome." He went to Paris, gathered around him six noblemen and some noble ladies, and started the Society of Jesus, popularly known as the Jesuits. Loyola's goal was to keep Europe for Rome and stop the Protestant flood, and frankly, he largely achieved it.
He gathered hundreds of people and subjected them to the most rigorous military-style discipline imaginable, set down in a book called the Spiritual Exercises, 25 days of fasting, seeking visions, and much else. By the end you're ready to be a follower of Ignatius Loyola. What's more, they were prepared to use fair means and foul, provided you kept someone for Rome, you could use whatever means you thought necessary, which is why the English word "Jesuitry" carries a negative sense. One of them, Francis Xavier, converted 700,000 people to Rome in India, the East Indies, and Japan.
✍︎Kit's note
A few details need precision. Loyola was wounded on 20 May 1521 defending Pamplona against the French, a cannonball broke one leg and shattered the other. His convalescence was mainly at the family castle, not primarily "in hospital," and involved multiple painful surgeries to reset the bone. Denied his usual chivalric romances during recovery, he read a Life of Christ and the lives of the saints instead, that reading, not the visions alone, triggered his conversion. The founding six weren't uniformly noble: on 15 August 1534 he and six companions took vows at Montmartre, Paris, Francis Xavier, Alfonso Salmerón, Diego Laínez, Nicolás Bobadilla, Peter Faber, and Simão Rodrigues, and Peter Faber was a peasant's son from Savoy, not a nobleman. The Society was formally approved by Pope Paul III in 1540. The "Spiritual Exercises" is traditionally a 30-day retreat, not 25. And Francis Xavier's "700,000 converts" is a legendary figure; modern scholarship places his own personal baptisms at roughly 30,000, mostly among the Paravar fishing communities of South India, with only a few hundred to under a thousand documented baptisms in Japan over his roughly two years there. The 700,000 figure likely reflects a much later, looser tally of the broader Jesuit missionary movement Xavier inspired over subsequent decades, retrojected onto Xavier's own ministry.
Second: the Council of Trent. The Pope, recognizing much needed discussion, called a council, the Council of Trent, meeting 25 times between 1545 and 1563. At first the Pope considered inviting the Protestants to sit down and see if the differences could be resolved, but his cardinals persuaded him not to invite them, and they never came. Had they come, history might have been different. But they weren't invited.
Trent declared: Tradition stands alongside Scripture. The Apocrypha must be part of the Bible. Purgatory exists. Indulgences, the invocation of saints, images, and relics are a right and pious practice. And the Pope has absolute authority. This was the first time the Church of Rome had said these things this formally. And, I say frankly but lovingly: not one of those things has changed to this day. And indeed it can't, if you believe councils cannot err, how could these things now be denied? The recent Vatican Council cleaned up and adjusted much, explored much, but not a single thing I've just read out has changed at all. Even when Rome says it will accept the Revised Standard Version of the Bible, it comes with the proviso: provided the Apocrypha is included.
✍︎Kit's note
This is where the deepest research yields the most corrections in the whole piece. "Not invited" has it backwards, Protestants really were invited, twice, under a formal safe-conduct. During the council's second period (13th session, 1551–52), Protestants were issued an imperial safe-conduct with a right to be heard (though not to vote). Philip Melanchthon actually set out for Trent in 1552 to represent the Lutherans, getting as far as Nuremberg before Duke Maurice of Saxony's military revolt against Charles V forced the council to suspend and ended the attempt. The truer story: Rome did attempt outreach, but on terms (no voting rights, prior decrees treated as settled) that made real participation structurally difficult, and then the 1552 war overtook the effort entirely.
On "the Pope's absolute authority": this was not defined at Trent, this conflates two councils three centuries apart. Trent reinforced papal authority procedurally (requiring bishops' obedience, papal confirmation of decrees) but did not formally define papal supremacy or infallibility as dogma. That doctrine, papal primacy of jurisdiction and infallibility when speaking ex cathedra, was first formally defined at the First Vatican Council (1869–70), in the constitution Pastor Aeternus, over 300 years after Trent closed. This meaningfully corrects Pawson's "nothing has changed" claim as applied specifically to papal authority, the very doctrine he describes didn't yet fully exist at the point he says it was declared.
Even on indulgences, "nothing has changed" overstates the case: the underlying dogma that indulgences exist hasn't been reversed, but Paul VI's 1967 apostolic constitution Indulgentiarum Doctrina (issued in response to Vatican II) substantially revised the practical theology and application of indulgences, abolishing the old quantified system of "days and years" and re-centering indulgences on charity and contrition. So "unchanged" holds at the level of dogma, not at the level of lived practice.
On the "Apocrypha": what Protestants call this, Catholics call the deuterocanonical books (Tobit, Judith, Wisdom, Sirach, Baruch, 1–2 Maccabees, plus additions to Esther and Daniel). Trent's Fourth Session (8 April 1546) was the first time the Church made the full canon a formal article of faith under anathema, and notably, it passed 24–15 with 16 abstentions, not unanimously. From Rome's side this reaffirmed a canon already attested at the councils of Rome (382), Hippo (393), and Carthage (397), used throughout the medieval Vulgate, not adding new material from nothing. Worth noting: Jerome himself, translating the Vulgate a millennium earlier, had flagged some of these books as of lesser canonical status even while including them, so both sides can claim ancient precedent, a genuinely interesting complication rather than a simple "Rome added books" story.
Third: the Inquisition was revived. Torture, imprisonment, and death were used as instruments against Protestants. They wiped out almost every Protestant in Spain, most Protestants in Italy, and elsewhere like Austria. The result is that to this day, Christians as we understand them remain a tiny minority in those lands.
✍︎Kit's note
This is the point where deeper research yields a genuine reversal of Pawson's implicit thesis. The scale and mechanism he suggests, a vast, uniquely brutal killing machine, is largely the "Black Legend" that modern professional historiography, led by Henry Kamen's The Spanish Inquisition: A Historical Revision (Yale University Press), has significantly revised downward using the Inquisition's own surviving case records. Kamen's research finds Spain's heresy executions in this period (roughly 100, 1559–66) were fewer than under Mary Tudor in England in the same decade (about half the number), roughly a third the number executed in France, and roughly a tenth the number executed in the Low Countries over the same years. Per Kamen, the Inquisition's "sinister reputation" owes much to Protestant and Dutch/anti-Habsburg propaganda rather than a uniquely Catholic-Spanish scale of violence. None of this excuses the persecution that did happen, but it reframes 16th-century religious violence as fairly evenly distributed across confessions, Protestant England under Mary, Calvinist Geneva with Servetus, Huguenot France's own retaliatory violence, brutal suppression in both directions in the Low Countries, rather than a uniquely Roman pathology. On this evidence, the violence tracks the fusion of church and state generally, on every side, not any one confession's particular cruelty.
Why The Tide Stopped After 60 Years
The Counter-Reformation's three prongs
By 1580 — 60 years after Luther — Protestantism had spread across much of Germany, Scandinavia, Switzerland, France, and England. Then the line held almost still for the next 300 years. Three things stopped the flood.
The Jesuits
Ignatius of Loyola, 1540
A “Salvation Army of Rome”: severe discipline, a 30-day Spiritual Exercises retreat, willing to use fair means and foul — origin of the negative sense of “Jesuitry.” Francis Xavier reached as far as India and Japan.
The Council of Trent
1545–1563, 25 kỳ họp
Reaffirmed: Scripture AND Tradition, the Apocrypha, Purgatory, and the propriety of indulgences and veneration of images/relics. Protestants were in fact invited (under safe-conduct, 1551–52), but Maurice of Saxony's war cut the attempt short.
The Inquisition
Revived
Torture, imprisonment, and execution used to wipe out nearly all Protestants in Spain and most in Italy. But modern research (Henry Kamen) finds Spain's actual toll lower than the number Mary I executed in England in the very same years.



The Radicals: one sword only, against both
Now the third group, the one I can be briefest about, yet the one I consider most important. They're called the Radicals because they were the extreme left wing of the Reformation. A recent book I've read calls them "the stepchildren of the Reformation." Who were they, and what did they believe? They were the ones who began asking the most fundamental question of all: who should be doing the reforming? Who should be doing the changing? And they reached a momentous conclusion neither Roman nor Reformer had reached yet: the answer, they said, is that it should have nothing to do with the state at all. That church and state are two entirely different bodies and shouldn't stand too close together. These Radicals believed in a free church, not an established one. They weren't even happy with established Protestantism. They said: you can't make people good through government. You can't impose a religion. It must be freely and voluntarily accepted by people themselves. You can't say everyone in England will be Protestant. You can't say everyone in Spain must be Roman. You can only use one sword: the sword of the Spirit, the Word of God. So they were pacifists. They refused to fight in the wars between Protestants and Catholics. They said: we will not fight for the gospel; we shall only use the sword of the Spirit, the Word of God.
This was revolutionary. And they were regarded as dangerous revolutionaries, destroying the very thing that held society together, the idea that church and state belonged to each other. So where did they start? They arose in 1522 in the city of Zurich, Switzerland. They called themselves, significantly, "brethren," and the leaders were two men, Conrad Grebel and Felix Manz. Fine Christians, in the very city where Zwingli was getting the city council to impose Protestantism on everybody. They said: that's not the right way to do it. The only right way is to preach the Word, and when people voluntarily accept it, form them into a church. And so they were fighting for what we now call religious liberty.
✍︎Kit's note
The more accurate founding date is 1525, not 1522. The scholarly consensus date for the birth of Swiss Anabaptism (also the movement's own 500th-anniversary year, observed in 2025) is 21 January 1525, when George Blaurock asked Conrad Grebel to baptize him at a gathering in Zollikon, near Zurich, and Blaurock then baptized the others present, the first "re-baptisms," and the movement's founding act. 1522–23 is defensible as when the dissenting Bible-study circle around Grebel and Manz first coalesced and grew dissatisfied with Zwingli's pace, but believer's baptism itself, the practice that gave Anabaptists their name, only began in January 1525, three years later. This matters because it shows the Swiss Brethren emerged directly out of frustration that Zwingli, having gone to the Bible for his own reforms, still let the Zurich city council set the pace and scope of change, exactly the church-state fusion Pawson elsewhere criticizes Zwingli for. Grebel and Manz's break was a direct, principled reaction against Zwingli's own compromise.
The "recent book" Pawson references is almost certainly Leonard Verduin, The Reformers and Their Stepchildren (Eerdmans, 1964), a Reformed-background but pro-Anabaptist history arguing the Radicals were the disowned spiritual children of Luther, Zwingli, and Calvin. And "the extreme left wing of the Reformation" isn't folk phrasing but a citable scholarly term: coined by Yale historian Roland H. Bainton in "The Left Wing of the Reformation," Journal of Religion 21 (1941), later given fuller treatment in George Huntston Williams's landmark The Radical Reformation (1962), the work that coined "Radical Reformation" itself, still the standard scholarly term today.
And now I must tell you something very sad: it wasn't only the Romans who attacked these people, the Reformers did too. There came a day when Martin Luther told the German princes they must use the sword against these Radicals. And there came a day when John Calvin consented to Felix Manz being drowned as an appropriate end for a Baptist, and he was drowned with Calvin's support. Even Zwingli himself, in Zurich, got the council to pass cruel laws against these people. Isn't it interesting? The Romans used the state, so did the Reformers, and both were willing to use the literal sword in the name of Christ. But the Radicals said: we will use no other sword than this one. And so the sword of the Romans and the sword of the Reformers were both turned against them.
✍︎Kit's note
This is the single most important correction in the whole piece, independently flagged by every research angle consulted: Felix Manz was drowned in the Limmat river in Zurich on 5 January 1527, executed under a Zurich city council edict passed 7 March 1526, an action driven by Huldrych Zwingli's influence over that council, not John Calvin's. John Calvin was 17 years old in January 1527, still a law student in Orléans/Bourges, France. His own conversion is usually dated c. 1533–34, six to seven years after Manz's death, and he didn't arrive in Geneva until 1536, nine years after the execution. Calvin had no documented connection whatsoever to Zurich, to the Manz case, or to this execution. Zurich and Geneva were different cities, with different magistrates, and, at the relevant date, entirely different reformers.
The likely source of the confusion: Pawson (or his source material) has conflated Manz's drowning with Calvin's real, well-documented complicity in the 1553 burning of Michael Servetus in Geneva (already noted above). Substituting Servetus for Manz keeps Pawson's larger point fully intact and historically accurate: the magisterial Reformers did use lethal force against dissenters, it's just that Zwingli, not Calvin, presided (via the council he'd cultivated) over Europe's first Protestant-on-Protestant execution of a fellow reformer, for the "crime" of re-baptism, Manz drowned with grim, deliberate irony matching the charge ("the third baptism"). Calvin's own real, parallel stain, arguably worse, since he personally approved it and Geneva's council convicted with virtually no theological ally objecting, is Servetus, thirteen years later.
But the story doesn't stop there, Pawson also mentions "some fanatics and extremists like the Thomas Münzer of Zwickau" among the Radicals, though he says closer study shows most of them don't deserve that reputation.
✍︎Kit's note
Thomas Müntzer doesn't actually belong in the Anabaptist category at all, and correcting this matters because it reinforces exactly the point Pawson makes a few lines later. Müntzer never practiced or taught believer's (re-)baptism, the defining Anabaptist distinctive Pawson himself uses throughout this section. Mainstream historians (following George Huntston Williams's standard taxonomy) classify him as a Spiritualist/apocalyptic revolutionary: he emphasized direct inner illumination of the Spirit over Scripture, came under the influence of the separate "Zwickau prophets" during his brief posting there, broke decisively with Luther by 1523, and became a leader of the German Peasants' War, captured and executed (beheaded, not burned) after the Battle of Frankenhausen in May 1525, months after, and unconnected to, the Zurich Anabaptists' founding events that same year.
This matters historiographically: 19th- and 20th-century historiography (Marxist historiography especially, via Engels's The Peasant War in Germany) lumped Müntzer, the Zwickau prophets, and the peaceful Swiss/South German Anabaptists together as one undifferentiated "radical" mass. Modern Anabaptist scholarship (following Harold Bender's landmark 1944 address, "The Anabaptist Vision") works hard to separate the pacifist, biblicist Swiss Brethren (Grebel, Manz, Simons, Hutter) from the violent, revolutionary strand, precisely because conflating them was historically used to justify persecuting the peaceful Anabaptists as if they were all violent revolutionaries. This is exactly the charge Pawson spends real energy refuting a few sentences later ("they were accused of being revolutionaries, but so was Jesus Christ... they only fought with the Word"), his own brief Müntzer aside momentarily reintroduces the very conflation his larger argument works to dismantle. Worth noting too (a real, dramatic episode Pawson never mentions, though it fits "extremists" well): the Münster Rebellion (1534–35), where Anabaptist leaders Jan Matthys and Jan van Leiden seized the city of Münster, instituted forced polygamy and communal property, and armed resistance against a besieging army, ending in a massacre, is the actual episode that made "Anabaptist" a byword for dangerous fanaticism across 16th-century Europe, and is precisely the traumatic backdrop against which Menno Simons's peaceful reorganization of the movement (below) makes the most sense.
Menno Simons, if you've ever come across the Mennonites, you owe those great Christians to Menno Simons. Jacob Hutter, if ever you've come across the Hutterites, you owe those to Jacob Hutter. And to my mind, these were the ultimate reformers. It was they who said: we will change everything that is not according to the Word of God, and we will change it ourselves. We will not wait for princes or popes to change it. We will live by the Word of God and follow it, as individuals and as fellowships, to the fullest degree. And this they did.
✍︎Kit's note
Both figures deserve fuller biography, and both connect directly to the Münster material above. Menno Simons was a Frisian Catholic priest who left Rome in 1536 (around age 40) after his brother was killed in an Anabaptist stand that ended in bloodshed. His decisive turn was explicitly toward the peaceful, non-resistant wing of Anabaptism, partly as a deliberate corrective response to the disastrous, violent Münster Rebellion that had just discredited the whole movement; his writings explicitly repudiate Münster's violence. Jacob Hutter, a Tyrolean hat-maker turned Anabaptist leader, organized the communal-property branch of Anabaptism (modeled on Acts 2 and 4) among refugees in Moravia between 1533–1535, before being captured, tortured, and burned at the stake in Innsbruck in 1536, the same year Menno left the priesthood. Both threads, peaceful, individual-property Mennonites and peaceful, communal-property Hutterites, survive as living church bodies today, giving real, tangible weight to Pawson's closing claim of direct historical descent from these movements.
We are here today because of those Anabaptists. We are free from an established church because their influence and ideas rose up in England in Elizabeth I's time, in a group called the Independents, who said: we want a free church. Because they couldn't find it in England, they set off for America on the Mayflower, to settle there, for all time, the principle of religious liberty, the individual's freedom to follow whatever faith they feel is right. This is our heritage. And this is what they fought and died for.
✍︎Kit's note
This tidy line of descent is compressed, and the real story is richer, with a missing central figure. Historians are genuinely divided on how much direct Anabaptist influence shaped English Separatism versus indigenous Puritan nonconformity. The genuinely documented, direct Anabaptist-to-Baptist contact point differs from what Pawson describes: it's the Separatist congregation of John Smyth and Thomas Helwys, who fled to Amsterdam in 1608, adopted believer's baptism in 1609 in direct contact with the Dutch Mennonites there, and in 1612 Helwys led the return to England to found the first Baptist congregation on English soil, at Spitalfields, a full generation after Elizabeth's death (1603), not during her reign as Pawson's framing implies.
The Mayflower Pilgrims were Separatist Congregationalists, not Baptists, and Plymouth Colony did not establish general religious liberty, it remained a covenanted, religiously exclusive community. The colony that actually pioneered legal religious liberty in America was Roger Williams's Providence/Rhode Island (founded 1636), after Williams, banished from Massachusetts Bay for advocating separation of church and state and freedom of conscience for "Jews, Turks, and infidels" alike, briefly became a Baptist in 1639, founding the first Baptist church in America. Roger Williams is the single most significant missing name in this entire section of Pawson's lecture. His 1644 tract The Bloudy Tenent of Persecution is treated by historians as a direct forerunner of Jefferson's "wall of separation" language, the straighter, better-documented line from Radical Reformation principles to American religious liberty runs through Williams, not directly through the Mayflower Pilgrims. Given that the entire point of this section is to draw a line from the Radicals to American religious liberty, this is a significant and easily fillable gap.
They had some fanatics and extremists like the Thomas Münzer of Zwickau. But by and large, when you study their story, a story only now being properly written, the research only now coming off the press, you find: only now have people begun to see the true place of the Anabaptists. They fought and died for religious liberty, but they only fought with this, they were accused of being revolutionaries, but so was Jesus Christ. And Jesus said: "My kingdom is not of this world; if it were, my servants would fight." And that is precisely what the Anabaptists said.
Next Sunday, God willing, I'll take the story into the 17th century, the age when religious liberty came to England, the age when people began to be allowed to follow their own convictions in this land. The age of William Penn. The age of John Bunyan. And the age of many another great servant of God.
One Sword Against Two
The Radicals: no state protected them, both sides attacked
Grebel and Manz in Zurich (1525) said: the church should use no sword but “the sword of the Spirit” — the Word. Only believers should be baptized. Both Rome and the Reformers regarded this as a mortally dangerous principle.
Rome's sword
The Inquisition, criminal law against heresy
⚔️
The Reformers' sword
Zwingli: Felix Manz drowned in Zurich, 1527 · Calvin: complicit in burning Servetus, 1553
In the middle: the Anabaptists, using “only one sword” — the Word — and refusing to take up any other, even while under attack from both sides.

PHẦN HAI: THẾ KỶ 17, CUỘC CHIẾN GIÀNH TỰ DO THỜ PHƯỢNG
Pawson's next lecture opens with him reading from a Bible printed in 1607, the old English long-s spelling, a translation heavily indebted to William Tyndale's earlier work, reading Philippians 1 in full, because that letter was written from prison, and the 17th century would produce other great writings from prison too, most famously John Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress.
✍︎Kit's note
A Bible dated 1607 in an English pulpit was almost certainly a Geneva Bible, the dominant household and pulpit Bible in England well after 1611 (Shakespeare and the Pilgrims themselves used it), not a unique curiosity. Worth noting: the Geneva Bible's own marginal notes, some justifying resistance to tyrannical kings, were themselves one reason James I wanted a new, note-free translation.
He defines the century plainly: 1600 to 1700. And the difference between the two ends is the whole point of the lecture: in 1600, this congregation would not have been allowed to meet tonight to worship as they are. By 1700, they would. He sets out to show how liberty of worship came to this land, so that for the last 200–300 years people have been able to meet like this, worshipping as they feel they ought, with no one hindering them, dragging them to prison, or executing them for it. And it's in this century that the battle was fought, and finally won.
England, 1600, and the adventure of the King James Bible
The State Of Play In 1600
Three groups of Christians in England
In 1600, this church would not have been allowed to meet as it does tonight. By 1700, it would be. This is the story of how liberty of worship came to England.
Anglicans
Accepted Elizabeth's “halfway house” — a mixture of old Roman practice and Reformation change.
Puritans
Still inside the Church of England, but wanted vestments, crucifixes, and candles gone — plain, Word-centered worship. Represented by Richard Baxter.
Independents
Standing entirely outside the Church of England — also called Separatists or Congregationalists. Slogan: “Reformation without tarrying for any.”
At the century's start there were three groups of professing Christians in England. Officially there were no more Roman Catholics, banned by law; if any remained, they were secret sympathizers. Within the Church of England were two groups: Anglicans, who accepted the compromise Queen Elizabeth had worked out, and Puritans, represented by Richard Baxter, who wanted a much purer Church of England, no vestments, no crucifixes, no candles, plain worship, and above all the Word of God at the center rather than ceremony. Baxter, pastor of the parish of Kidderminster, is a good case in point: besides two or three hours of Sunday teaching, he went house to house, giving each family in his parish its own Bible study, that's the secret of his effect on Kidderminster.
Outside the Church of England was a third group: the Independents, also called Separatists, or "Brownists" (after a man named Brown), or Congregationalists, because they believed each congregation should order its own affairs under the Lord. Their slogan: "Reformation without tarrying for any." Meaning: we're not waiting for Parliament or the Church to change, we're pressing ahead and living by the Bible in our own local congregation right now. The poet John Milton is a good case in point for this Congregationalist strand at the start of the century. Many of them paid for it with their lives, Greenwood and Barrow among them.
✍︎Kit's note
"No more Roman Catholics" overstates the erasure. Catholicism survived as a large persecuted minority under escalating penal law (1559 Act of Uniformity fines; the 1570 papal bull Regnans in Excelsis excommunicating Elizabeth; the 1585 Act making seminary priesthood itself treason). Tens of thousands of recusants, plus many more unregistered "church papists" outwardly conforming, existed in 1603, not just "a handful of secret sympathizers." Also worth noting: the Counter-Reformation's missionary counter-offensive, the English College at Douai (founded 1568) trained seminary priests sent back into England after Trent. Edmund Campion, a Jesuit, landed in 1580 and was executed at Tyburn in 1581 for treason (not heresy, English law made "reconciling" subjects to Rome a capital political crime); he was canonized in 1970. And the 1605 Gunpowder Plot, entirely missing from Pawson's account, is arguably the hinge event for Catholics under James I, hardening penal law for the rest of the century.
James VI of Scotland became James I of England. From the start he secretly held to the divine right of kings to rule religion, and the divine right of bishops to rule the church, but he kept that quiet while still only King of Scotland. When he came south, the English expected him to favor the Puritan line. They were quickly shocked. He declared: "presbyteries agree as well with monarchy as God and the devil." His watchword: "no bishop, no king."
In 1604 he called a conference of leading Christians to Hampton Court Palace. There James ridiculed and insulted the Puritans without mercy. You're killjoys, he said, don't like sports on Sundays? I'll make it lawful to have sports and entertainment on Sundays, goading them like that. But there was a Puritan there, a famous Oxford professor named Reynolds, a courteous, saintly gentleman, and all the ridicule and laughter didn't disturb him one bit. He stood his ground. And when James had run out of invective, Dr. Reynolds said: your majesty, I have a suggestion, it's time we had a new English Bible. The suggestion was taken up, almost to James's own surprise, and from the Hampton Court Conference, seven years of hard work followed, producing what we call the King James Version, so named not because he started or carried it out, but because he happened to be king when it was finished and presented to him. We call it the "Authorized Version" because he authorized it. The Bible you've used all your life, used in this country for 350 years, was the result of a Puritan at Hampton Court, born in the year 1611.
That year was momentous for England, something else happened too: the first Baptist church in England was founded in 1611, the same year as the Authorized Version. Sadly, after that conference, James issued a proclamation demanding every clergyman fully conform to the bishops. 1,500 vicars refused to sign, and 300 of them were thrown into jail immediately. It was the first rift in the English church, and from it, vestments and rites and ceremonies, absent since the start of the Reformation, came back, and have stayed ever since.
✍︎Kit's note
James's two quoted lines, "presbyteries agree as well with monarchy as God and the devil" and "no bishop, no king", are attested in William Barlow's contemporary published account, The Summe and Substance of the Conference (1604). But Barlow was an episcopal partisan, not a neutral reporter, treat these as period paraphrase captured by a hostile witness rather than a verbatim transcript. Reynolds's actual proposal was narrower and more technical than "let's have a new Bible", he wanted "one only translation... to be authentical and read in church," prompted by inconsistencies among existing English Bibles. About 47 scholars, in six companies, worked from 1604 to 1611.
"1,500 vicars refused, 300 jailed" is the clearest correction needed in this whole section, flagged independently by every research angle. The documented figure for clergy actually deprived under Archbishop Bancroft's 1604 Canons is roughly 80–100 ministers, not 1,500 refusals or 300 immediate imprisonments. Pawson (or his source material) appears to be retrojecting the much larger, better-documented 1662 Great Ejection figures (see below) onto 1604.




The Puritan clergy fled to Ireland, where the archbishop at the time was a man called Ussher, a great one for working out dates. If you've ever seen an Authorized Version with "4004 BC" printed at the head of Genesis 1, something God never wrote into the Bible, you're looking at what Archbishop Ussher put there, having calculated that Adam was born about 9 a.m. on 21 October that year. One English scholar remarked rather dryly that, being a careful scholar, Ussher wouldn't commit himself more precisely than that.
✍︎Kit's note
Ussher's actual published calculation (Annales Veteris Testamenti, 1650) dates the first day of Creation to nightfall preceding 23 October, 4004 BC (proleptic Julian calendar), not 21 October, and Ussher never specified an hour. The famous "9am" detail actually belongs to a different contemporary scholar, John Lightfoot, Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge, who independently calculated Creation at 3929 BC (a different year entirely) and did specify 9am for the creation of man. The two figures were popularly fused into a single "Ussher-Lightfoot chronology", a conflation traceable partly to Andrew Dickson White's 1896 polemic. Pawson's own caveat ("God never wrote this in the Bible") is correct and worth crediting. Ussher was a serious, respected Hebrew and patristic scholar working with the best available method of his era, not a crank; his chronology was mainstream scholarship across confessional lines, staying in Bible margins into the 19th century.
While Ussher was pinning down Adam's birth hour, the entire Orthodox world was operating on a wholly different, much older chronology: the Byzantine "Creation Era," based on the Greek Septuagint rather than the Hebrew Masoretic text, dating Creation to 1 September 5508/5509 BC, over 1,500 years earlier than Ussher. Russia used this dating civilly until Peter the Great's calendar reform in 1700 (the very last year of this century), and Orthodox churches still use it liturgically for Paschal calculations today.
Others who couldn't worship according to conscience fled east, to Holland. There was a group of Independents at a small village called Scrooby, under the faithful pastor John Robinson, meeting as their own congregation. But the local squire brought magistrates to threaten them, and they decided the only way out was to find a boat and cross to Holland. It's a dramatic story: a Dutch boat arranged to meet them near Boston, split into two crossings, one boat with the men, one with the women and children, to avoid detection. The boat with the women and children ran aground in the mud. The men reached the Dutch ship, but then saw English troops appear on shore, firing on the ship, forcing it to pull away, leaving their wives and children behind on the mudflat. Fortunately, a year or two later, the women and children made it out to Holland to reunite with them.
✍︎Kit's note
This merges two separate episodes, autumn 1607 and spring 1608. The first attempt (autumn 1607, at Boston itself) was betrayed by the hired shipmaster before anyone boarded; the whole group, men, women, children together, was searched, robbed, and briefly jailed in the Boston Guildhall. The second attempt (spring 1608, near Immingham on the Humber estuary, a different location, not Boston) is where the dramatic scene actually happened: the men boarded a Dutch ship first, armed horsemen appeared on shore, and the captain fled with the men aboard before the women and children (delayed by a grounded barge) could board. The women and children were arrested and shuttled among reluctant magistrates, following in small groups over the following months, not "a year or two later." The primary source is William Bradford's own eyewitness account in Of Plymouth Plantation. The guiding figures at this stage were as much William Brewster and Richard Clyfton as Robinson. Robinson only became pastor once they'd settled at Leiden, and he himself never sailed on the Mayflower. He stayed as pastor of the Leiden congregation and died there in 1625, always intending to follow. "Pilgrim Fathers" is itself an anachronistic label, popularized in the 18th–19th centuries, not a name the Separatists used of themselves.
But something was happening in Amsterdam: a group of Christians began studying the question of baptism. Until then, all the Reformers practiced infant baptism as it had been practiced for centuries. But in Amsterdam, a group under a man called Helwis began to look at this, reaching the conclusion that baptism should be for believers only. Having no one qualified to baptize them, two of them agreed: I'll baptize you if you baptize me. Then, unable to find work, they risked returning to London, and in 1611, at Spitalfields, London, the first Baptist church in England was founded.
✍︎Kit's note
This mixes up both the person and the date. It was John Smyth, Helwys's own pastor, who performed "se-baptism" (pouring water on his own head, then baptizing roughly 40 others including Helwys), not a mutual pair baptizing each other. Smyth then had second thoughts about his own self-baptism's validity and sought union with the Dutch Waterlander Mennonites; Helwys rejected this and broke away, leading the group back to England. Smyth stayed in Amsterdam and died there in 1612, never returning. On the date: Helwys and about a dozen others founded the church at White's Alley, Spitalfields, in 1612, not 1611. That earlier year is the date of an earlier confession of faith Helwys drafted while still in Amsterdam, a likely source of the conflation.
One strong, currently missing piece of the story, genuinely important to the whole lecture's "religious liberty" thesis: in 1612, Helwys personally sent King James a copy of his tract A Short Declaration of the Mystery of Iniquity, widely regarded as the first English-language argument for full, unqualified religious liberty extending even to non-Christians, with a handwritten inscription. He was imprisoned in Newgate for it and died there around 1616. This predates Roger Williams's more famous religious-liberty writings in New England by over two decades, and is arguably the true theological headwater of the "free church in a free state" principle Pawson credits broadly to the Pilgrims and Baptists at the close of the lecture.
The king is a mortal man, and not God, therefore hath no power over the mortal soul of his subjects, to make laws and ordinances for them, and to set spiritual Lords over them... Men's religion to God is between God and themselves; the king shall not answer for it... Let them be heretics, Turks, Jews, or whatsoever, it appertains not to the earthly power to punish them in the least measure. Thomas Helwys, "A Short Declaration of the Mystery of Iniquity" (1612)


The Mayflower, and Charles I: eleven years without a Parliament
Another group of Independents still in the Low Countries realized staying in Europe was simply impractical, unwelcome, no jobs, going hungry. They decided to do something tremendous: come back to England, get hold of a ship, and go to the New World, trying to build in America a free world where people could worship without the state dictating how. They came back and persuaded the owner of the Mayflower to take them, and were called the Pilgrim Fathers. They left Plymouth in 1620, landing at Plymouth in the New World that December. But what a hard experience awaited them, in the first winter, 50% died, from lack of food, cold, lack of medical care. Yet they stayed, and even though they had battles with established Anglican settlements there, the Pilgrim Fathers began something that means America today is entirely free of any state-church relationship, where anybody may worship as they feel they ought.
✍︎Kit's note
The 44% death toll (45 of 102 passengers) that winter of 1620–21 is accurate, and Pawson's "50%" is a fair rounding, adult women were hit hardest, 13 of 18 dying. But worth noting: only about 40 of the 102 Mayflower passengers were actual Leiden Separatists ("Saints"); the rest were other settlers recruited by the financial backers ("Strangers"), which complicates the tidy "Pilgrim Fathers" narrative. As for the Mayflower Barn timbers at Jordans (the Quaker meeting house near Pawson's own church) being "almost certainly" from the actual ship, that's local legend, not established fact. It traces to biblical scholar J. Rendel Harris's 1920 book, based on oral folklore and a cracked, metal-braced roof beam he linked to a beam reportedly cracked during the Atlantic crossing. No documentary evidence ties the barn's timbers to the actual ship; maritime and timber historians treat the claim as "neither proven nor disproven." Best read as a cherished local legend, not settled history.
So under James, some went to Ireland, some to Holland, but in England you had to conform. He was succeeded by Charles I, who was worse than his father. He too believed in the divine right of kings and bishops, and went much further: throwing Puritans into prison, heavy fines, the pillory, cropped ears, slit noses, all this happened under Charles I. The Archbishop of Canterbury at the time, William Laud, helped Charles I "turn the clock back": the communion table in parish churches was again called the "altar," and people were made to bow to it. Parliament objected, and Charles I simply did without Parliament for eleven years. Can you imagine a king or queen today doing that? I can imagine a Parliament doing without a king or queen for eleven years, but I can't imagine a king saying, no more Parliament.
15,000 Londoners marched on the palace and presented King Charles I with the "Root and Branch Petition", if you've ever heard the phrase "root and branch," this is where it comes from, wanting all "Romish superstition" rooted out. Charles I refused to listen, and within a short time England was at civil war, breaking out in 1642. Parliament fought the king, and it was a religious issue: by and large, the Anglicans fought with the king, the Puritans with Parliament; by and large the north and west were in the king's hands, the south and east in Parliament's, which is why, if you study free churches today, you'll find they still follow that pattern.
One of the greatest fighters for Parliament was John Hampden, there's a statue of him in Aylesbury's market square. Sadly, that leader was killed very early in the war, and Parliament began to lose. They were waiting for a leader, and that leader came in Oliver Cromwell. Cromwell blended them into the New Model Army, under the famous catchphrase: "Trust in God and keep your powder dry." He put new morale into the troops fighting for religious liberty in this land.
✍︎Kit's note
The Root and Branch Petition was presented to the Long Parliament on 11 December 1640, signed by roughly 15,000 Londoners, delivered by a crowd of about 1,500, not a direct confrontation with the king at his palace, as Pawson's telling suggests. And John Hampden, not "Hampton," Pawson's small slip, was killed at the Battle of Chalgrove Field, June 1643 (dying of his wounds a few days later), "very early in the war" is fair. Cromwell's most famous quoted line, "Trust in God and keep your powder dry", is almost certainly apocryphal. Its first known appearance in print is an 1834 poem, "Oliver's Advice" by William Blacker, retroactively putting the line in Cromwell's mouth. No 17th-century source records it, despite Cromwell's extensive surviving correspondence and speeches. A textbook case of how a great man's "immortal" one-liner can be born long after he's dead.
During this civil war, at Westminster, a group of clergymen and scholars from Oxford and Cambridge met to try to work out a pattern of church life everyone could accept, the Westminster Assembly of Divines, with a few Scots invited to attend, whose influence, as Scots often do, ran deep. They produced a statement of faith called the Westminster Confession, and to this day it remains the confession not only of the Scots but of most Presbyterians worldwide. You could probably quote one line from it: what is the chief end of man? The chief end of man is to glorify God, and enjoy him forever. Have you heard those words? That was decided at Westminster, during the civil war. But it wasn't generally accepted, the Scots accepted it, the English never did.
✍︎Kit's note
The Assembly sat at Westminster Abbey from 1643–1653 (main work substantially done by 1649), summoned by the Long Parliament, not the king, itself a marker of the Civil War's constitutional stakes: Parliament unilaterally remaking church government. Roughly six Scottish commissioners (including Alexander Henderson and Samuel Rutherford) attended as advisors under the Solemn League and Covenant (1643), which bound England to move toward Presbyterian church government in exchange for Scottish military help against the king, explaining Pawson's aside about Scottish influence precisely. The Confession was formally adopted by the Church of Scotland General Assembly in 1647 and remains its subordinate standard. Never adopted by the Church of England (which reverted to the Thirty-Nine Articles at the Restoration), though English Congregationalists (the Savoy Declaration, 1658) and Particular Baptists (the Second London Confession, 1689) both produced doctrinally similar adaptations, tying directly back to the Baptist thread from earlier.
Charles I was still around, but was finally brought to London to be beheaded. He was held for a few weeks, or was it days?, in the manor house at Stoke Poges. If you ever get the chance, go there, go into the manor house, and above the fireplace, painted on the plaster wall, is the royal coat of arms of Charles I. To while away the hours and keep his mind off his execution, he painted his own royal coat of arms on the plaster. They've covered it with glass now, but you can still go into the main room at Stoke Poges and see it, before Charles I was beheaded in Whitehall in 1649.
✍︎Kit's note
The core fact, Charles I beheaded outside the Banqueting House, Whitehall, on 30 January 1649, is entirely correct. The Stoke Poges detention/painting anecdote reads more as local legend than verified history, a charming, unconfirmed story, not settled fact.
One Century, Six Reigns
The Stuart monarchs and their religious policy
James I
1603–1625
“No bishop, no king” — pressured the Puritans, yet produced the KJV Bible (1611)
Charles I
1625–1649
With Laud, pushed ceremony further; ruled without Parliament for 11 years; Civil War; executed
Commonwealth
1649–1660
Cromwell; Presbyterians then Independents in control — “new Presbyter was but old priest writ large”
Charles II
1660–1685
Restoration; the Great Ejection of 1662; secretly sympathetic to Catholicism
James II
1685–1688
Openly Catholic, determined to bring England back to Rome; overthrown
William & Mary
1689–
The Toleration Act — an era of stability and tolerance (Catholics excepted) begins







Bunyan, "New Presbyter is but Old Priest writ large," and the reign of Charles II
Among the soldiers who fought with Oliver Cromwell was a young man, hard-drinking, hard-fighting, hard-swearing, born at a little village called Elstow, just outside Bedford. His name was John Bunyan. (More about him shortly.)
After the civil war, the Presbyterians got control of the Church of England and tried to make everybody Presbyterian. Isn't it funny, when the Anglicans are in control, everybody must be Anglican; when the Presbyterians get it, everybody must be Presbyterian. Which caused someone to say: "New Presbyter is but Old Priest writ large." In other words, we've just traded one tyranny for another.
✍︎Kit's note
That line is the closing line of John Milton's sonnet, "On the New Forcers of Conscience under the Long Parliament" (c. 1646), worth naming, since Milton was already introduced earlier as a case-in-point Congregationalist, tying the quote to him strengthens continuity. Worth noting: Milton wrote it before the Presbyterians had actually reached the full ascendancy Pawson describes, it was a specific polemical jab, from a radical Independent's viewpoint, at Parliament's Presbyterian majority trying to impose a coercive national church with power to excommunicate, not a detached general verdict, though it has become exactly the kind of proverbial one-liner Pawson uses it as. By the 1650s Milton had moved decisively away from both Presbyterian and conventional Independent church order, toward radical individual liberty of conscience, opposing a coercive state church of any stripe, and seems to have worshipped largely outside any organized congregation by the end of his life.
Finally we come to the reign of Charles II, a man about whom one could hardly say things bad enough, for his lack of principle and profligacy. The Scots accepted him first, crowning him at Scone, thinking he'd fight with the Scots and the English Parliament for Presbyterianism, for a purer Puritan Church. The Scots soon regretted their folly. I can't go into the story of the Covenanters, only to say that 17,000 Scottish Covenanters, meeting in secret in the highlands to worship as they felt they ought, suffered under Charles II.
✍︎Kit's note
The commonly cited figure (closer to 18,000, per 19th-century martyrologist John Howie's Scots Worthies) is actually a composite across roughly 27 years and multiple categories of suffering, about 1,700 banished to America, 750 to the northern Scottish islands, 3,600 imprisoned or outlawed, 680 killed in battle, 7,000 who fled Scotland, 362 legally executed, 498 killed extrajudicially, not 17,000–18,000 people executed, and not confined to "meeting in secret" alone. Modern historians regard Howie's totals as inflated devotional/commemorative numbers rather than verified statistics. Geography needs correcting too: the worst violence (the "Killing Time," 1679–1688) was concentrated in the southwest Lowlands (Ayrshire, Galloway, Dumfriesshire), not the Highlands, which were largely Episcopalian or Catholic clan territory.
Charles II was secretly sympathetic to the Roman Catholic Church, and his ambition, through intrigue, was to bring England back to it. He made a secret treaty with Louis XIV of France to turn the clock back 200 years, to the pre-Reformation days. How did he do it? From 1661, a series of Acts of Parliament turned the clock back. 1662 was the worst, the Act of Uniformity. Not Roman yet, but Anglican, with Charles II and Parliament saying: everybody must be this. In that very year, 1662, nearly 2,000 clergymen left their livings, out into the unknown, with no home or job or anything else, because they refused to conform to the Act of Uniformity. And into the English language came a new word: "nonconformist", and at first, it was a criminal word. One of those turned out at the time was dear old Richard Baxter.
In 1665, another Act came, because these ejected clergymen kept creeping back secretly to meet their old congregations, Parliament passed an Act that no clergyman was allowed within five miles of his former church, called the Five Mile Act. Here's an interesting detail: if you go to Wendover, you'll see the Baptist Church on the right-hand side of the road, a good five minutes' walk outside the village, and you may have wondered why build a church outside a village. The answer is simple: in 1662, the Vicar of Aylesbury was turned out for refusing to conform, but kept creeping back into Aylesbury, holding meetings in kitchens and gardens. Then the Five Mile Act came out. Do you know what he did? He stood in the middle of Aylesbury and started walking out five miles, pacing it out, and five miles brought him to a field, where he started meeting. People walked five miles from Aylesbury, and they put up a place of worship, which is now the Baptist Church of Wendover, exactly five miles out.
In 1673 came the notorious Test Act, Parliament saying there must be neither Roman Catholics nor nonconformists in England, everybody must worship this way. This caused a great deal of suffering for conscience's sake.
✍︎Kit's note
"Nearly 2,000" is the most commonly cited traditional figure, but the true range is genuinely contested among historians: contemporary Nonconformist chronicler Edmund Calamy counted 1,897; his 20th-century editor A. G. Matthews (Calamy Revised, 1934), after removing 47 already-dead entries, 41 duplicates, and 113 unsupported records, arrived at a more conservative verified 936, though other tallies (combining earlier 1660–62 removals) reach 1,760–1,800, about 20% of all beneficed clergy. "Nearly 2,000" is defensible as the traditional figure but sits at the high end of a genuinely contested range.
The 1673 Test Act didn't decree a blanket ban on Roman Catholics and nonconformists being present in England at all. Its actual target was narrower and more specific: it required anyone holding civil or military office under the Crown to take Anglican communion, swear oaths of allegiance, and formally deny transubstantiation, barring Catholics (and, as a side effect, Dissenters unwilling to take Anglican communion) from public office, not from residing in or worshipping in England. Its most famous immediate casualty: James, Duke of York (the future James II), who resigned as Lord High Admiral in 1673 rather than take the sacrament, the first public confirmation of his Catholicism.
One strong thread missing here: downstream of the Test Act sits the 1678–81 Popish Plot, Titus Oates's fabricated conspiracy, which saw more than 15 Catholics executed on perjured testimony, including Archbishop Oliver Plunkett of Armagh (canonized 1975), the darkest, most dramatic Catholic-persecution episode of the century, and worth including for how it sharpens the "everyone was persecuting everyone" texture of the reign. Worth noting too: Charles II's own Catholicism was never publicly acted on in his lifetime, he received Catholic last rites only on his deathbed, February 1685, from Fr. John Huddleston, smuggled in by his brother James, decades of concealment resolved only at the very end.
From Persecution To Toleration
Four acts, nearly thirty years
1662
Act of Uniformity
The Great Ejection — hundreds to nearly 2,000 ministers lost their livings for refusing to conform.
1665
Five Mile Act
Ejected ministers barred within five miles of their former parish.
1673
Test Act
Barred Catholics and Dissenters from civil/military office — not from residing in England.
1689
Toleration Act
Dissenters allowed to worship openly — Catholics excluded, waiting another 89–140 years.


John Bunyan, George Fox, and William Penn: prisoners of conscience
It was during this period that John Bunyan, now older, converted, converted through overhearing some housewives gossiping in a backyard, became a preacher at Bedford. (Housewives, if you gossip in a backyard, bear in mind: you might produce another John Bunyan, if you're gossiping about the right things, because this hard-drinking, hard-swearing, hard-fighting young man overheard some housewives talking about Jesus in a backyard, and had never heard anything so sweet, and it convicted him of his sin.) He was converted, became a preacher at Bedford, was baptized as a believer, and preached the gospel wherever he could.
John Bunyan was thrown into prison under Charles II, twelve years, with only one break in between, separated from his blind wife and struggling children. But one day in jail he had a dream: he saw a man with a burden on his back, and a man who wanted to be rid of it. He began writing the dream down, and that dream is Pilgrim's Progress. I hope you've read the whole book, in the adult version, not the children's version, the adult version shows you not just what happened to Pilgrim, but what he thought and what he said. And I hope too that someday you'll read another important book by Bunyan, Grace Abounding to the Chief of Sinners, describing his conversion and how he became the preacher he was. I suppose Pilgrim's Progress is the best-known Christian book next to the Bible. He never mentioned the church in it. He never mentioned the sacraments in it. And so it was accepted by Christians of every churchmanship, and to this day has one of the widest appeals of any book ever written in the Christian world.
He died in 1688, buried at Bunhill Fields, which I visited recently. By the end of his life, people called him "Bishop Bunyan", though the one thing he never wanted to be was a bishop. But as he traveled around, as people came to him for help, they said: you have as much right to be called a bishop as those who are. So we're going to call you that. Hence, Bishop Bunyan.
✍︎Kit's note
The whole frame, arrested 12 November 1660 preaching at Lower Samsell, Bedfordshire; tried at Bedford Quarter Sessions in January 1661; held mainly in Bedford County Gaol until release under Charles II's Declaration of Indulgence, March–May 1672, roughly twelve years, with one roughly six-week release around 1666 before rearrest, matches Pawson's telling exactly. Grace Abounding to the Chief of Sinners (1666) and the "Bishop Bunyan" nickname (from his post-1672 itinerant pastoral influence across Bedfordshire, Hertfordshire, Cambridgeshire, Surrey, London) are both accurate. The famous dream, a man fleeing the City of Destruction with a burden on his back, the framing device of Pilgrim's Progress, is generally dated by scholars to a brief second, shorter imprisonment (1676–77) under the Conventicle Act, not the long main term of 1660–72 as Pawson's telling implies. Most of the writing likely happened across the long imprisonment, but the dream-vision itself more likely belongs to the later, shorter stay.
Bunyan's story has an almost exact chronological and thematic mirror on the opposite side of the Christian world, entirely absent from Pawson's account. Patriarch Nikon's liturgical reforms (from 1652) split the Russian Church; the Great Moscow Synod of 1666–67 ratified the reforms and anathematized the old rites, birthing the "Old Believer" schism. Its central figure, Archpriest Avvakum, was imprisoned over a decade, during which he wrote The Life of Archpriest Avvakum, by Himself (1672–75), a prison-written spiritual autobiography of conversion and suffering that Slavists routinely compare to Bunyan's Grace Abounding. Avvakum was burned alive with three companions on 14 April 1682, six years before Bunyan's natural death in 1688. Same century, same theme, state-enforced liturgical uniformity, a prison-written spiritual classic, a movement's founding martyr, at opposite ends of Christendom.

A very different kind of character also suffered during this time: a man called George Fox, who had a very deep spiritual experience in the year 1646. There was something very good about that experience, and something not so good. George Fox discovered, or rather, rediscovered, the power of the Holy Spirit to guide into all truth. He called this experience the "inner light," and he said: it's no use just having Scripture outside you, or even in your head, you need the Holy Spirit inside you too. That was something that needed rediscovering, needed saying. You can have Scripture off pat, but without the Holy Spirit it's dead, not alive.
But, sadly, having rediscovered something good, he then went one step further and said something not so good: that the sure word of prophecy we need today is not the Scriptures but the Holy Spirit alone. From that statement comes the greatest weakness of the movement that followed. He gathered around him a group of like-minded people, called the Society of Friends; others nicknamed them Quakers, because they quaked and trembled before God in their meetings. This has been both their strength and their weakness ever since, their strength, that they believe God can speak inwardly through the Holy Spirit; their weakness, that they reject the sacraments the Lord Jesus meant them to have, being outward things, and also tend to disregard Scripture, relying entirely on inner thoughts.
George Fox was imprisoned for saying that, and at one time there were 4,000 Quakers in prison under the reign of Charles II. If you can imagine what proportion that was, you can understand their suffering, especially when you consider that in prison you got no food unless friends brought it to you, and if all the Quakers were in prison, there'd be nobody left to bring them food.
A young aristocrat said: we will never get freedom in England to worship as we ought, we must go to the New World. His name was William Penn, and Penn lies buried not a mile from this spot, with his family, in the quiet little burial ground of Jordans meeting house. Penn went out to the New World, pressed beyond the frontiers of the coastal colonies, and said: we'll have a state of religious liberty, and it became Pennsylvania, William Penn's colony, where people could be free to worship, following the inner light of the Holy Spirit. He crossed the Atlantic three or four times, but finally died back here, and was buried at Jordans.
✍︎Kit's note
Fox's crisis/"openings" began in spring 1646, developing through 1647, 1646 is a defensible anchor date (some historians prefer 1647 as more decisive, a minor point). The "Quaker" nickname and Fox's own preferred name, "Society of Friends," are both correct. But Fox's own writing is more careful than Pawson's summary suggests, Fox consistently held that inward light and Scripture must agree, and defended Quakers constantly against charges of abandoning Scripture, citing it heavily in disputes. What actually alarmed orthodox contemporaries (and what Pawson is really describing) was less Fox's own explicit doctrine than (a) the practical elevation, in Quaker meeting practice, of unmediated present-tense revelation over sacraments and ordained ministry, and (b) more extreme claims by other early Quakers, notably James Nayler's 1656 "triumphal entry" into Bristol (re-enacting Christ's Palm Sunday entry), which briefly scandalized the movement and got Nayler mutilated (tongue bored, forehead branded) and imprisoned. Worth naming Nayler as the concrete cautionary example rather than pinning the "Spirit vs. Scripture" tension on Fox's own stated theology.
"4,000 Quakers in prison at one time" is a widely repeated figure but not independently verifiable to a single documented snapshot. The best-documented aggregate figures across the whole period (1660–1689) run to roughly 10,000–15,000 total imprisonments and several hundred deaths in custody, e.g. 535 Yorkshire Friends imprisoned within two months of 1660; roughly 2,100 arrested from just five London meetings within a year of the 1664 Conventicle Act. Best treated as a plausible peak-moment estimate (likely originating in Joseph Besse's 1753 collection) rather than a hard verified statistic.
But, and here's a thread Pawson himself never connects, even though both figures appear in his own lecture, William Penn had a genuinely close personal relationship with James II (James's father had been friends with Penn's own father). Penn's influence is credited with having "induced the king to issue" the 4 April 1687 Declaration of Indulgence, granting liberty of worship to Catholics and Dissenters alike. In other words, Penn's advocacy for universal toleration directly helped enable James's own Catholic-toleration policy, which then collapsed in the Revolution of 1688.


James II, William and Mary, and the state of play in 1700
James II, an avowed Roman Catholic, not in any subtle way like Charles II, but completely openly, said: I'll get you back to Rome if it kills me. To do this he used a man who has gone down in history as brutal, Judge Jeffreys, James II's right-hand man. It was too much for England, and as a result of a popular rising against the king, James II had to flee.
✍︎Kit's note
Jeffreys's actual notoriety, the 1685 "Bloody Assizes" (roughly 200–320 executed, 800+ transported), followed the Duke of Monmouth's rebellion, a dynastic/political challenge to James's throne, not primarily a religious-conversion campaign; Jeffreys himself was an Anglican, not a Catholic agent. James rewarded him with the Lord Chancellorship afterward and did later use him in service of religious policy (e.g. the 1686 Ecclesiastical Commission against resisting Anglican clergy), so the general pairing is fair, but Pawson's framing collapses two distinct phases, suppressing a rebellion, then advancing Catholic toleration and appointments, into one undifferentiated "restoring Rome" narrative. James's actual religious programme, the 1687 Declaration of Indulgence (reissued 1688), Catholic appointments to Ireland's lord lieutenancy and the Privy Council, and especially the trial of the Seven Bishops (1688, for petitioning against forced reading of the Declaration), is more directly what provoked the 1688 invitation to William of Orange than Jeffreys's assize work.
Finally we have that strange pair, William and Mary, we tend to say "King William and Mary", who came to the throne of England together, and a new era of stability and tolerance began, setting the pattern for the rest of English church life, with one exception: Roman Catholics weren't allowed back in this reign, and they'd wait another hundred years. But tolerance was extended to others: in 1689, nonconformists were at least partially recognized, and the persecutions began to cease.
✍︎Kit's note
"Another hundred years" holds for the first relief measure: the Catholic Relief Act of 1778, allowing Catholics to own and inherit property, in exchange for an oath renouncing Stuart claims and papal civil jurisdiction, came almost exactly "a hundred years" after 1689. But full civil and political emancipation (sitting in Parliament, holding higher judicial or state office) didn't arrive until the Roman Catholic Relief Act of 1829, 140 years after 1689. Worth noting: the 1778 Act itself triggered a fierce backlash, the Gordon Riots of 1780, the worst civil unrest of 18th-century England, Catholic chapels and homes burned, roughly 300–700 dead before troops restored order. Tolerance arrived, but unevenly, and fiercely contested even a century on.
I have here a book, Fox's Book of Martyrs. It was required Sunday reading for children in the time of my great-grandfather. I don't know that I'd dare give it to my own children now, or I'd have their teacher after me for filling their heads with such things. It's the most horrible account of Christian martyrs, from New Testament times through to 1682. I fear the author hoped no more stories of martyrdom would need writing after Foxe's Book of Martyrs, and that the toleration gained by the end of that century would be lasting, with no more martyrs. In a sense, there haven't been any more in England. But across the world, there has not been a period of ten years since Jesus died on the cross when Christians have not died for the faith, and it still goes on somewhere in the world.
✍︎Kit's note
This is John Foxe's Actes and Monuments (first published 1563, later editions extended forward), worth distinguishing clearly from George Fox, the Quaker founder mentioned a few sections earlier; the two names are easy to confuse in spoken delivery without spelling to disambiguate. Pawson's closing reflection about ongoing global martyrdom is a fair, still-true observation, requiring no correction.
So with the Toleration Act, for the first time nonconformists could put up buildings of worship, and in the very next year, Jordans meeting house was erected, you can date that tolerance if you look at the date on Jordans meeting house, just months after the 1689 Toleration Act. A few years later, Amersham Old Town Baptist Church began, and by the end of the century, nonconformists had a thousand places of worship.
So, at the start of this lecture I gave you the state of play in 1600; now let me give you the state of play in 1700. There are now three parties in the Church of England, still here today: High, Broad, and Low. The High party still hankers after Romish practices in worship. The Low party belongs to the few Puritans who managed to stay in somehow, with very simple, unadorned worship, no vestments, no altar, just a table, worshipping much like the Church of Scotland, and doubtful about having bishops at all. Then there's the Broad party, the one I want to leave you thinking about, because it's the start of the 18th-century story.
Let me ask: what did God think about all this? What did the devil think about all this? I have the feeling the devil was laughing up his sleeve at Christians killing each other. I have the feeling he was thrilled that they were physically destroying one another. But when the Toleration Act came, and they allowed each other to worship freely, the devil had to think up a new tactic, and he thought up a most devilish one: instead of destroying Christians physically, he would think up something that would destroy them mentally.




The bridge to the 18th century: "queer" ideas from the Continent
Through the 17th century, some very queer ideas had been produced on the Continent, in the name of Christianity. In Sweden there was a scientist called Swedenborg, producing incredible ideas and calling them Christianity, founding the New Jerusalem Church. You may not have come across them, I found more of them in Lancashire. On the Continent was a man called Sosinius, in Italy, saying things like: the Bible is not the word of God, it's helpful, but not simply the word of God as such; and Jesus was not the Son of God, he was simply a great man of God we must imitate; and Jesus didn't die for our sins, he died to give us an example of love. These things were being said, and these ideas were crossing the English Channel.
There were other ideas from a man called Arminius in Holland, who opposed the teaching of Calvin. Ever since, we've had Calvinism and Arminianism, and they came almost to mental blows over this difference. Calvinism emphasized the sovereignty and will of God; Arminianism emphasized the free will of men. And into the Church of England, from the Continent, came a party who really felt that as long as you came to church and worshipped, it didn't much matter whether you held the old beliefs.
Until the end of the 17th century, all the people who disagreed about church order, about bishops, about baptism, agreed about Christian belief and what the gospel was. But now there came into the Church of England, from the Continent, a party who believed you could be much more latitudinarian in your doctrine, in other words, wider, broader in your thinking than the old-fashioned gospel. And this was to kill the Church of England almost dead, by the 1730s, spiritually robbing it of its power and heritage. And that's the story I want to take up next time.
✍︎Kit's note
This is the clearest, most unanimous error in this whole section, a chronological one, not a matter of interpretation. Emanuel Swedenborg was born in 1688, right at the tail end of the 17th century, and did not begin his theological/visionary writing until the 1740s, with major works spanning the 1740s–1760s; he died in 1772. The New Jerusalem Church was not founded until 1787, fifteen years after his death, by Robert Hindmarsh and a small group in London. Swedenborgianism is entirely an 18th-century phenomenon (indeed a late-18th-century one) and simply doesn't belong in a survey of 17th-century continental theology. It's a clean, checkable date error, worth flagging plainly, but also a good, human touch: even a careful teacher can misplace a name by a century. Worth noting: Wesley and Whitefield's own generation actually did encounter early Swedenborgianism directly (Wesley wrote critically about Swedenborg in the 1780s; some early Methodists were drawn toward New Church teaching), a genuine point of contact between the Evangelical Revival and its heterodox contemporaries, just a century later than Pawson places it.
On "Sosinius": accurate on substance (Fausto Sozzini did deny the Trinity, Christ's deity, and penal substitution, correctly summarized), but "Italy" is a half-truth. Sozzini was born in Siena (1539) and fled the Roman Inquisition, but his mature system was developed and institutionalized after he settled in Raków, Poland, in 1579; the movement's defining document, the Racovian Catechism, was published in 1605 (the year after his death in 1604), so Socinianism is more accurately a Polish theological export to England (via Socinian refugees after Poland expelled them in 1658) than a straightforwardly Italian one, even though its founder was Italian-born.
On Arminius: no correction needed, a real 17th-century Dutch controversy (Arminius died 1609; condemned at the Synod of Dort, 1618–19). And there's a satisfying forward-looking hook here: this Dutch controversy is the direct theological ancestor of one of the Evangelical Revival's defining internal conflicts, in 1740–41 the Calvinist-Arminian dispute split Whitefield (Calvinist) and Wesley (Arminian), close friends and co-laborers since 1739, into rival connexions.
On "latitudinarianism as a continental import": the broad picture (a doctrinally lax, low-intensity established church by the early 1700s, "killed almost dead") is real and well-documented, but latitudinarianism is better understood as a native Restoration-era Anglican current, associated with the Cambridge Platonists and later Archbishop John Tillotson (1691–94), responding to Locke and Newton, rather than something imported wholesale "from the continent." Continental rationalism (Socinian, Arminian/Remonstrant currents) fed into it, but the label and movement are substantially English in origin.
The century's most dramatic Calvinist controversy actually didn't happen in Holland at all, as Pawson's framing implies, but convulsed Orthodoxy's own historic center, Constantinople. Cyril Lucaris, Ecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople (elected 1620), published a Latin Confessio in 1629 adopting essentially Calvinist positions (predestination, sola scriptura, two sacraments) in Orthodox language, having sent young Greek clergy to study in Geneva, Holland, and England. The Confession provoked decades of turmoil; Lucaris was repeatedly deposed and reinstated, and in 1638 Sultan Murad IV had him strangled and his body thrown into the Bosphorus (officially for political treason, but the Calvinist affair was the backdrop). The controversy was only formally settled at the Synod of Jerusalem (1672), issuing the Confession of Dositheus, explicitly rejecting Calvinist double predestination, unconditional election, and irresistible grace, reaffirming the older Orthodox synergistic view (grace and free will cooperating) predating the Calvinist-Arminian debate by over a millennium. Perhaps the perfect closing counterpoint for the whole section: while an English university town quietly debated Calvinism versus Arminianism, the Calvinist controversy in the East cost a Patriarch his life.
I've told you this story not to give you a history lesson, but because I want you to realize: if we were living in 1700, you and I could not have met here tonight. We were not free to do so. You would have to conform to a set order of service, settled by act of Parliament; you would have to conform to a rigid church government, settled by act of Parliament; and there would be no freedom for you to meet as we do once a month in a church meeting, to decide what the Lord would have us do. Now this liberty is ours. Praise the Lord for that.
There were those who saw that the New Testament demanded a free church in a free state, that religion was a matter of conscience, those who carried this to the New World, those who carried it to the Continent, but above all, those who stayed here and went to prison and fought it out, that you and I might come to Gold Hill Baptist Church this Sunday evening and worship God as our conscience dictates. Thank God for this liberty. The price of liberty is eternal vigilance. We could lose that liberty again, very easily, as others have lost it. And we need not only to look back into the past, but to praise God that in the future, he can keep us where we ought to be.
I've also told you this story to say this: in spite of all these battles, in spite of all these difficulties, the church of God goes on, and in every generation the Holy Spirit converts men and women and makes them blazing preachers of the gospel, and sends them out. Even in spite of all this, the church was still there. Christians were still there. The gospel was still there. The Bible was still there. For Jesus said: "I will build my church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it."
PHẦN BA: THẾ KỶ 18, VÒI NƯỚC LẠNH VÀ VÒI NƯỚC NÓNG
The final lecture in this trio opens with Acts 17, Paul and Silas at Thessalonica, accused of "turning the world upside down"; at Berea, where the Jews were "more noble," examining the Scriptures daily to see if what Paul preached was true; then Athens, Paul standing in the Areopagus, preaching about "the unknown God", among the believers there was Dionysius, a member of the Areopagus council itself. Pawson lingers on the Bereans to tell his own congregation: that's exactly what he hopes they'll do with what he preaches, go home, check the Scriptures, and if it's not there, don't believe it.
✍︎Kit's note
This is an accurate Scripture reading, needing no content correction, just one small transcription slip: Pawson says "Demeris," which should read Damaris (Acts 17:34). What's worth keeping most is Pawson's own methodological spirit here, Berean "nobility," going home to check what the preacher just said, as the implicit invitation for this very fact-checking piece: it's only doing what Pawson himself asked his congregation to do.
He tells how, just weeks before the 18th century opened, in November 1699, "Master Gulliver" was wrecked on the land of Lilliput, Gulliver's Travels was born, written by Jonathan Swift, an Irishman who tried many times to settle in England, failed, and finally died insane in Dublin. It's not a children's book, it's a savage attack on English society at the start of the 18th century. A few years later, Robinson Crusoe was shipwrecked on his island, and seems much happier there than when he returns to England in 1715. Both books introduce what Pawson wants to say before turning to the church: England was going to pieces. Socially, England was in a bad way. And the question is why?
Pawson sums up the whole evening in a simple image: man was turning on the cold tap, and God was turning on the hot tap, throughout the 18th century. Man turning the cold tap of what we call rationalism, the intellect alone, reason alone. God turning the hot tap of what we call revivalism, calling great men to preach the gospel, raising the temperature of English society. The biggest lesson to draw from the 18th century: a man's beliefs affect his behavior. What a man thinks in his heart, so he will be in his outward life. "As a man thinketh in his heart, so is he", that might be the text for the whole evening.
The Lecture's Central Metaphor
The cold tap, the hot tap
🧊
Cold tap: Rationalism
- Newton, Bacon, Descartes: a universe governed by fixed law
- Deism: God made it, then left it running, like a clock
- Latitudinarianism, Moderatism, Unitarianism creep into the churches
- Society: Tyburn hangings, gambling, cheap gin, moral decay
🔥
Hot tap: The Evangelical Revival
- Zinzendorf & the Moravians, Germany
- Whitefield, the Wesley brothers — England
- Edwards, Brainerd, Frelinghuysen — North America
- Harris, Rowlands, Griffith Jones — Wales
Pawson's thesis: belief shapes behavior. As cold reason snuffed out belief in a God who acts, social morality cooled with it. But right then, God “turned on the hot tap” — through individuals he raised up, not committees or councils.

The cold tap: science, deism, and the "lawgivers of society"
Part of this was the influence of science. Copernicus said the planets revolve around the sun, not the earth. Galileo, with his telescope, confirmed it. Isaac Newton was still discovering the law of gravity through apples. But above all, Francis Bacon and Descartes said: the universe we live in is governed by laws that can't be broken. If an apple comes off a tree, it must fall, that's the law of gravity, unbreakable. This, with one blow, swept out miracle, and swept out a great deal of what happens in the Bible, since much of the Bible seems to run against such natural laws. Bacon went further, and you'd be amazed how modern he sounds, how much we're indebted to him, saying that only what you can prove by observation is true. If you can't prove something scientifically by observation, you needn't believe it; you mustn't accept anything on authority. That was a tremendous step forward, or backward, depending how you look at it. But it's astonishing how a sixth-former today says exactly the same thing: I can't believe it unless you can prove it; I can't believe in God unless you demonstrate him to me. They're just echoing Francis Bacon. And frankly, that idea kills religion dead, because the one thing you cannot prove by observation is the eternal world to which God, the devil, the angels, and everything else religious, belong.
✍︎Kit's note
No major error here, the popular genealogy (Copernicus → Galileo → Newton → mechanistic universe → challenge to miracle) is a defensible simplification. But there's a risk of over-neatness: Newton himself was a devout (if theologically unorthodox) believer, who wrote more on biblical prophecy than physics, and did not see his laws as anti-miraculous. The "mechanized universe equals no God" reading is a later Deist appropriation of Newton, not Newton's own view.
So where does God fit in? Did people stop believing in God in the 18th century? No. But they switched from a belief we call theism to a belief we call deism, one step on the way to atheism. Theism is the belief that God created the world and controls it. Deism is the belief that God created it but can't control it. Atheism is the belief he didn't even create it, because there's no God to create it. One of the most popular images, propounded by a bishop: the world is like a gigantic clock. Once you've wound it up, there's nothing more you can do, it just runs according to its own laws. So they said: God made the world, wound it up, and now can only sit back. There is a God, but he can't do anything. And that's really a dead sort of God. You wouldn't pray much to a God who couldn't do anything, would you? And this was killing prayer, killing belief in a living God still in control of everything.
This kind of thinking, that God is far away and can't do much, crept right into the churches, under different names in different places: in the Church of England they called it latitudinarianism; in the Church of Scotland, moderatism; and among the Baptists, unitarianism, because one belief was that God couldn't possibly have "come down" at Christmas, and Jesus must simply have been a great man. And so watered-down faith began to disappear. Every denomination suffered from this thinking. Some Baptist churches closed because of it. Worship became very formal, very dead. You came only to pay respects to the deity who made it all, but you were never to expect him to do anything. God couldn't. He was outside what he had made.
✍︎Kit's note
This is the single most important correction in the whole "cold tap" section: "Baptists: unitarianism" is a significant overgeneralization. The Unitarian drift crystallized specifically at the Salters' Hall conference (1719) in London, where Dissenting ministers split over subscribing to Trinitarian formulas. It hollowed out the General (Arminian) Baptists and many Presbyterian congregations over the following decades, the old General Baptist Assembly (founded 1653) lost numerous churches to Unitarianism or saw them die out. But the Particular (Calvinistic) Baptists ran the opposite trajectory across the same century, flourishing and producing Andrew Fuller, John Ryland, and William Carey, founder of the Baptist Missionary Society Pawson himself celebrates later. So when Pawson says "the Baptists drifted into unitarianism," he means specifically the General Baptists, the Calvinistic wing of the same family was, at the very same moment, incubating the modern missionary movement. This is a sharper illustration of Pawson's own cold-tap/hot-tap thesis than anything he says explicitly.
It wasn't only "laws of nature" being discovered. Other writers thought they'd discovered "laws of human nature," laws of society. John Locke wrote about the laws governing society. Voltaire, living in "the age of Louis XIV" in France. Rousseau, another Frenchman, with his famous saying: "man is born free, and everywhere he is in chains." Then there was the Scotsman Adam Smith, writing a very big book on balancing imports and exports and the division of labor, strangely modern, I wonder if today's chancellors have read Adam Smith. And Mary Wollstonecraft, fighting for the rights, you might almost say divine rights, of women, writing a book advocating women voting, playgrounds at schools, co-education, revolutionary in its day. All these were trying to discover laws of society, laws of human nature. But they were all saying the same thing: the laws of society, like the laws of nature, don't need God. The natural world runs without God. The social world, human nature, runs without him too. And it was from these ideas that things like the French Revolution came, Rousseau has been called the father of the French Revolution.
✍︎Kit's note
This is a confirmed error, flagged in every independent research pass: Voltaire is misplaced. Born 1694, in the last two decades of Louis XIV's 72-year reign (which ended with the king's death in 1715, when Voltaire was 20), Voltaire's entire adult literary and philosophical career, the Lettres philosophiques, Candide, the Ferney years, the campaign against clerical abuse in the Calas affair, his 1745 appointment as royal historiographer, unfolds under Louis XV (r. 1715–1774) and briefly Louis XVI. "The age of Louis XIV" properly denotes the earlier high-classical court culture of Bossuet, Racine, and Pascal, a different cultural moment entirely. An interesting wrinkle: Voltaire himself wrote a celebrated history titled Le Siècle de Louis XIV (1751), about a period he hadn't lived through as an adult, which may be the actual source of the confusion.
The church tried to fight back with the weapons of the intellect. Two bishops, Bishop Butler and Bishop Barclay, really tried to preach intellectually, matching the evidence against God with evidence for God, making the whole thing something of an intellectual argument. Quite frankly, that never yet did much good. You can never argue a person into spiritual life. You might remove some of their questions and barriers. But you'll never build a church on intellectual argument alone.
✍︎Kit's note
Bishop Joseph Butler (1692–1752) and his Analogy of Religion (1736) are real and exactly as described, the era's leading episcopal apologetic response to deism. But "Bishop Barclay" does not exist as a historical figure matching this role. No prominent 18th-century Church of England bishop named Barclay wrote anti-deist apologetics alongside Butler. This is almost certainly a mishearing or mistranscription of Bishop George Berkeley (Bishop of Cloyne from 1734), the Irish philosopher, whose Alciphron, or the Minute Philosopher (1732) is precisely the sustained, famous rebuttal of deists and freethinkers that would naturally pair with Butler's Analogy. (Robert Barclay, the genuinely famous theologian named "Barclay" in church history, was a 17th-century Quaker apologist, predating this debate by over 50 years, a different tradition entirely.) Also worth noting: Butler's Analogy is more sophisticated than Pawson's dismissive verdict allows, it argued from the difficulties common to both nature and revealed religion rather than pure evidentialism, and was respected even by skeptics like Hume.







England drifts, while America and France revolt
Jefferson wrote Locke's philosophy straight into the Declaration of Independence. Read Locke's book first, then the Declaration, and you'll see where America got it from. In France, July 1789, all these new ideas burst into the French Revolution. Now reason was to be the goddess. And on the very altar of Notre Dame Cathedral in Paris, they enthroned a goddess of reason, declared no more God, and the reign of terror began. Later, Napoleon entered Rome, confiscated the papal territories, and brought the Pope as a prisoner to France. That was the kind of turmoil going on. In America, the revolt of the colonies and the Declaration of Independence. In France, the French Revolution. And in England, with all this turmoil of ideas, what happened? The answer: precious little. England just drifted downward, while everywhere else had a revolution. Again, quite typically English, we just let things slide.
✍︎Kit's note
The sequencing here is compressed and slightly reversed. The Festival of Reason at Notre-Dame is real, 10 November 1793, organized by radical Hébertists (Chaumette, Momoro, Hébert), replacing the Christian altar with one to Liberty/Reason, with a living woman staged as the personified goddess. But the Terror is conventionally dated earlier than 1793's end (the Law of Suspects, September 1793), it was already well underway before the November Festival, not triggered by it. And "no more God" oversimplifies a genuinely contested, short-lived episode: the Cult of Reason was one radical faction's project, not a unanimous Revolutionary program, and it didn't last, within months Robespierre, judging atheism politically dangerous, suppressed it and in June 1794 instituted the rival Cult of the Supreme Being, an explicitly Deist cult. This actually reinforces Pawson's own larger thesis (deism as the era's dominant religious posture) better than "no more God" does.
Napoleon's personal role is overstated, and the Rome episode is telescoped with a later one. It was General Louis-Alexandre Berthier, acting for the French Directory, who occupied Rome on 10 February 1798 and proclaimed a "Roman Republic"; Pope Pius VI, refusing to renounce temporal power, was arrested on 20 February 1798 and deported, Napoleon himself was in Egypt for most of 1798–99 and wasn't personally present. Pius VI was moved through several locations and died a prisoner at Valence, France, on 29 August 1799, never returning to Rome, the first pope in centuries to die in exile. Napoleon's better-known personal clash with a pope, arresting Pius VII, came later, in 1809, after Napoleon was Emperor. Pawson's account appears to conflate the two episodes.
✍︎Kit's note
For Catholic memory this isn't a small coda but a decade-long trauma: a reigning pope dying in captivity, the Papal States' temporal power extinguished (briefly restored in 1800, lost definitively in 1870). And it didn't come from nowhere, Rome's own house had already been under severe strain for decades before 1789: Jansenism (condemned by the papal bull Unigenitus, 1713, but persisting, entangled with Gallican resistance to papal authority); Josephinism in the Habsburg lands (Emperor Joseph II subjecting monasteries and seminaries to state control in the 1780s); and, the single largest institutional blow of the century, the Bourbon monarchies of Portugal (1759), France (1764), and Spain (1767) forcing Pope Clement XIV to suppress the entire Society of Jesus worldwide by the brief Dominus ac Redemptor (21 July 1773), not restored until 1814. The same rationalist current Pawson traces through English deism was, on the Continent, hollowing out the Catholic establishment from within for a generation before the Revolution's dechristianization campaign delivered the final blow.
Also worth noting: Pawson's mention of Catholics being "let back in" to English life by century's end is true but partial. The Catholic Relief Act 1778 and the Roman Catholic Relief Act 1791 removed some penal restrictions, but chapels still couldn't have steeples or bells, priests couldn't wear vestments in public, monastic orders were still banned, and there was no right to vote or sit in Parliament; full civil emancipation waited until 1829. Worth naming the violent backlash the 1778 Act provoked: the Gordon Riots, June 1780, London, the worst civil unrest of 18th-century England, Catholic chapels and homes burned, roughly 300–700 dead before troops restored order. The "hot tap" revival Pawson celebrates ran through the very same decades as raw, sometimes murderous English anti-Catholicism, a tension his lecture elides entirely, and worth one honest sentence.
So England drifted rather than revolted. Religiously, there was a hearty dislike of what was called "enthusiasm", nowadays we'd say emotionalism. People went to church and said: no emotionalism in church, no fanaticism, just a nice intellectual talk from the vicar. But no getting excited. No getting worked up. No showing any feeling. And of course that's not a balanced religion. Lethargy and apathy crept into the congregations. A century earlier they went to fight for religion. Now they just sat in a pew and yawned. Religion, I'm afraid, became very much the religion of the upper class. The working man was poor, ignorant, and simply not welcome.
Bishop Butler was offered the Archbishopric of Canterbury, and is said to have replied: "it's too late for me to save a dying church. It will have disappeared in my lifetime." That was the state of the church. And where the spiritual state is like that, the moral state will be worse. If you wanted an afternoon's entertainment in the 18th century, you got your family together and went up to Tyburn, now Hyde Park Corner, near Marble Arch, and took a picnic, to watch people being hanged. It was great fun. Children. Women. Men. You could be hanged for stealing five shillings' worth of goods, or a single shilling. If you wanted other amusement, you went to a cockpit and watched cock-fighting. And of course the quickest way out of London and the other industrial areas was the public house, drink was so cheap the signs hanging in the lanes simply read: "Drunk for a penny. Dead drunk for tuppence. Free straw to lie on." This led to the most appalling abuses, heavy drinking, heavy gambling, heavy fighting. If you want to study English social life in this cold, intellectual religious period, read Fielding's Tom Jones, or study Hogarth's cartoons, The Rake's Progress, or read Boswell's Life of Johnson. One contemporary writer summed it all up: "Decay in religion, licentiousness in morals, public corruption, and profaneness of language." That was England, in the first 30–40 years of the 18th century. No wonder a man was busy writing Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Edward Gibbon. I'm surprised he didn't go on to write Decline and Fall of English Society, he easily could have.
So what stopped England from having a revolution? Why didn't the poor rise up? Why wasn't there a complete turning-upside-down of society, as in America, as in France? The answer: during this century, God turned on the hot tap.




The hot tap: Wales, America, and Count von Zinzendorf
God's method is always this: to choose a personality, and fill that personality with his Holy Spirit, enabling them to do it. This has always been God's method. It's very rarely that God has worked through committees or larger groups of people. His method is always to raise up men to do the job, and it always will be, as long as those men remain in the relationship to Christ they should be.
For those of you from Wales, he raised up Howell Harris, Griffith Jones, and Daniel Rowlands, who changed the course of Welsh history. For those from America, it was in this century that he raised up Theodore Frelinghuysen, and through him influenced the great preacher Jonathan Edwards, and that great man of prayer David Brainerd, who went as a missionary to the Indians and died after only three years, but changed American history. It's estimated that in the 18th century, in America alone, 300,000 people were led to the Lord, considering the population then, that's quite a revival, with camp meetings flourishing at the end of the century.
✍︎Kit's note
Theodorus Jacobus Frelinghuysen's revival (Dutch Reformed, Raritan Valley, New Jersey, from 1720) is real and a genuinely early spark of the Great Awakening, bearing revival fruit as early as 1727, before Edwards's Northampton awakening (1734–35). But the "Frelinghuysen → Edwards" influence line is indirect. Historians typically describe them as parallel, largely independent originators of revival in different colonies and denominations (Dutch Reformed vs. Congregationalist), whose streams later converged chiefly through Gilbert Tennent, who was directly discipled by Frelinghuysen and interacted with Edwards's circle. "Frelinghuysen → Brainerd" is even more indirect, running through Tennent and the New Brunswick Presbytery network rather than personal mentorship. Better framing: "part of the same wave, cross-pollinating through Tennent," not teacher-and-student.
Brainerd's active field ministry ran about four years (1743–1747), not three, among the Delaware/Housatonic peoples at Kaunaumeek, the Forks of the Delaware, and Crossweeksung. He died of tuberculosis 9 October 1747, age 29, at Jonathan Edwards's own home in Northampton. Brainerd's real historical weight is his posthumous diary, not his field results, Edwards edited and published it as An Account of the Life of the Late Reverend Mr. David Brainerd (1749), one of the most influential missionary biographies in Protestant history, directly shaping William Carey and Henry Martyn (both of whom appear later in this same lecture). This is a stronger, more accurate "changed American history" claim than the bare three-years-and-died framing.
"300,000 led to the Lord" is unverifiable and should be read as Pawson's own estimate, not a documented statistic. No standard academic treatment of the First Great Awakening cites this figure; it would represent a very large fraction of the entire colonial population (roughly 2.5 million by 1775).
But the two countries I want to talk about are first Germany, then England, because they're closely related. I want to tell you about a man God raised up in Germany, called Count von Zinzendorf. (You have some of his hymns in the hymn book here, "Jesus, Still Lead On" and "Jesus, Thy Blood and Righteousness.") Zinzendorf had a huge estate in Saxony called Herrnhut. And to that estate one day came some beggars, worshippers of the Lord Jesus Christ, remnants of the church of John Huss in Bohemia. Even centuries after Huss, they still met simply around the Lord Jesus Christ. They'd been turned out of their own country, and they came to von Zinzendorf. He'd been converted not long before, and he said: come in, you can have my estate, build houses here, I'll protect you, and together we'll build a Christian community. And they did, calling it the Moravian Community, and they became the first real missionary society in Europe. There had been other attempts at missionary work before, but that little group of Moravians sent out no fewer than 25 missionaries in the first few years of their life, taking the gospel of Christ to the utmost parts of the earth.
Von Zinzendorf once said: "I have only one passion. It is Jesus." And that sums up his life. No wonder he was the great man he was.
✍︎Kit's note
The Hus lineage is real but compressed, and the precise dates strengthen rather than undercut Pawson's point. Jan Hus was burned at the stake 6 July 1415 at the Council of Constance (a Catholic council), despite traveling under an imperial safe-conduct, a breach of faith Catholic historians themselves now generally regret. About forty years later, radicalized followers, shaped by the lay theologian Petr Chelčický, organized as the Unitas Fratrum ("Unity of the Brethren") in 1457 at Kunvald, a distinct, stricter "believers' church" break from both Rome and the more moderate Hussite Utraquists. After brutal Counter-Reformation suppression following the Battle of White Mountain (1620), the Brethren survived underground for roughly a century as the "Hidden Seed" before a remnant reached Zinzendorf's estate in 1722, 307 years after Hus's death, 265 after the Unitas Fratrum's founding. So "remnants of the church of John Huss" is shorthand for a far more precise, remarkable underground-survival story.
"First real missionary society in Europe" needs a scoping qualifier. It's defensible as "first Protestant lay/voluntary missionary movement" (predating William Carey's Baptist Missionary Society by 60 years, community-wide rather than clergy-led), but flatly stated, it erases centuries of prior organized Catholic missions (Jesuits, Franciscans, Dominicans since the 16th century) and organized Orthodox missions (Russian Orthodox monastic missions to Finno-Ugric and Siberian peoples going back to St Stephen of Perm, 14th century, continuing through St Gury of Kazan into the 17th–18th century). Better framing: "first Protestant missionary society driven by ordinary laypeople rather than clergy or a colonial crown", still a remarkable claim.
The "25 missionaries" figure, if anything, understates the scale. The first two Moravian missionaries (Leonard Dober, David Nitschmann) left for the Danish West Indies on 8 October 1732. From a home community of well under 1,000 (some sources say under 600), historians count roughly 70 missionaries sent out in the first decade (1732–1742), including 18 who left for St. Croix/St. Thomas alone in August 1733, and 226 by 1760. Missiologist Kenneth Scott Latourette treats Herrnhut, not any 19th-century society, as the true birthplace of the modern Protestant missionary movement, on exactly this basis: proportionally the highest missions-sending rate of any Protestant body until the 19th century.


George Whitefield: "rope of sand"
The first man God laid his hand on was a young man working his way through Oxford by cleaning the shoes of the other students. His name: George Whitefield. God laid his hand on that young man, going places, hard-working, disciplined. But God said: George Whitefield, you're a sinner and you need salvation. Through a great spiritual struggle, George Whitefield came to know the Lord Jesus Christ. He began to preach. A year after his conversion he was preaching, I forget where, but I remember his first text: 2 Corinthians 5:17, "If any man be in Christ, he is a new creature." He preached it at Gloucester. And when he preached that sermon, he said something that mortally offended most of his hearers: "I do not care if you've been baptized. I do not care if you've had water on your forehead in the name of the Trinity." He said: "You must be born again." He said: "I've got the new birth. And I want you to have it." When he finished preaching, 17 people were born again. That was the beginning. He was soon preaching to 30,000 and 40,000 at once. He not only traveled England, he went to Scotland, preaching to 40,000 in Edinburgh, then crossed the Atlantic thirteen times, dying in America at the end. But he preached everywhere he could go. George Whitefield was one of the greatest servants of God England has seen.
The tragedy is that most of his work disappeared after his death, because he never organized follow-up for his converts. The only person who really urged him to start churches, in a sense, was the Countess of Huntingdon. If you've ever seen a church with "The Countess of Huntingdon's Connexion" over the door, you're looking back to the days of that lady, who supported George Whitefield. But when he died, he said: "I feel my work has been a rope of sand, and will disappear very quickly." And in fact it has. You don't hear of any Whitefieldites today. You don't hear of any groups bearing his name today, except that Countess of Huntingdon connexion, and one or two other small groups. But nevertheless, he led thousands to the Lord. I don't mean they fell away, I mean they found their way into other churches.
✍︎Kit's note
"17 people born again" is almost certainly a transformed legend, not a documented fact. The genuinely well-attested anecdote, from Whitefield's own journal and every standard biography, has the opposite valence: a complaint was lodged with Bishop Martin Benson of Gloucester that Whitefield's 27 June 1736 sermon had driven "fifteen persons mad," to which Benson reportedly replied he hoped the "madness" wouldn't be forgotten by the next Sunday. There's no primary-source record of a specific "17 conversions" tally from that sermon, Pawson (or his source material) appears to have converted a well-known story about alarmed critics, counting people driven to religious distress, into a triumphant conversion count. A textbook example of hagiographic drift in oral preaching traditions. Also worth noting: that first sermon's actual subject was "The Necessity and Benefit of Religious Society", Whitefield's full-throated new-birth preaching intensified over the following months from spring 1737, not necessarily verbatim in the debut sermon.
The "40,000 in Edinburgh" figure is likely misattributed. Whitefield's largest recorded Edinburgh-area crowds were closer to 15,000 (contemporary accounts of his 1741 visit); the truly massive figure historians cite, around 100,000, was at Cambuslang, near Glasgow, during the 1742 "Cambuslang Wark" revival, not Edinburgh itself.
✍︎Kit's note
The Countess of Huntingdon's Connexion is undersold as "one or two other small groups." In fact Selina Hastings built a real network of proprietary chapels from the 1760s, trained her own ministers at Trevecca College, and, when Church of England authorities moved against her chapels' legal status, formally registered them as Dissenting meeting houses under the Toleration Act (1781–83), with the first ordination of her own ministers on 9 March 1783. This produced a genuine Calvinistic-Methodist free church with its own confession (the Fifteen Articles of Faith). From a free-church perspective, this is arguably the more theologically consistent outcome of Whitefield's Calvinistic revivalism than Wesley's decades-long agonizing over whether Methodism could stay inside the Church of England (see below).
Though not the first in order if we look at the date of his birth, I place him first in the order of merit, without any hesitation. Of all the spiritual heroes of a hundred years ago, none saw so soon as Whitefield what the times demanded... There are Lutherans and Wesleyans in the present day, but there are no Whitefieldites. The great evangelist of last century was a simple, guileless man, who lived for one thing only, and that was to preach Christ., J. C. Ryle, "Christian Leaders of the Eighteenth Century" (1885)


John Wesley: "a brand plucked from the burning"
The other great man I must tell you about, and here I'll take more time, because he deserves it, is John Wesley, one of my great heroes. The story begins in a little village in Lincolnshire, where my wife and I were married, Epworth. We were married in the Wesley Memorial Church. And in that rectory, something happened, something new was born.
John Wesley's grandparents had been Independents, which explains a great deal. But his parents were both Anglican by conviction, serving as vicar and vicar's wife of that little town of Epworth. Samuel Wesley, the father, was quite an amazing man, a bit of a poet, spending most of his years writing a poem on Job that was never really popular, but he passed on to his sons a poetic gift. But the mother was the truly amazing one: old Susanna Wesley. She had 19 children, trained them not to cry after they were a year old, and when they turned five, taught them to read, by the end of their first week, they could read Genesis 1. How much they understood, I don't know, and how she did it, I don't know, no initial training alphabet, none of your modern toys to help. She gave one hour a week to each child, to help them grow spiritually. And when you study the life of Susanna Wesley, you've studied the beginning of Methodism, for that's what was to come.
When John, or "Jackie" as she called him, was seven years old, the rectory caught fire. They got all the children out, bar one, Jackie, little John. Those who've seen the film will remember the dramatic moment when they saw him at the upstairs window, and how the villagers climbed on each other's backs to rescue him. She clutched him to her bosom and said: you're a brand plucked from the burning. And from then she believed John would be her greatest son. And so he was.
✍︎Kit's note
Wesley was five, not seven, at the time of the fire, flagged unanimously across every independent research pass, and one of the clearest corrections in the whole piece. He was born 17 June 1703; the fire was the night of 9 February 1709, he wouldn't turn six for another four months. Every reputable source gives "aged 5," or at most rounds to "aged 6." No reputable source gives age 7. Worth adding: Wesley carried this self-image his whole life, not just as a childhood anecdote, he drafted his own epitaph in his Journal (26 November 1753), opening: "Here lieth the body of John Wesley, a brand plucked out of the burning."
✍︎Kit's note
Susanna reared 10 children to adulthood, not 12. Standard biographical consensus gives 19 children born, roughly 9 dying in infancy, and 10 surviving to adulthood (seven daughters, three sons, John, Charles, Samuel Jr.). "12" is on the high end of any commonly cited figure.
✍︎Kit's note
Susanna's disciplined, catechetical, rule-governed home piety is frequently identified as the direct behavioral template for what became "Methodism", not just the name but the method itself. This traces directly to her own upbringing: her father, Samuel Annesley, was a prominent Nonconformist divine ejected from his living in 1662 (the same Great Ejection noted in the 17th-century section above), and Susanna herself was raised in that Dissenting tradition before conforming to the Church of England as a young woman. Pawson's own throwaway aside, "independents... which explains a great deal", gestures at exactly this but never develops it: Susanna's "conquering the will before instruction" pedagogy sits in direct continuity with Puritan household-religion manuals (e.g. Richard Baxter's family-worship guidance), meaning Methodism's famous methodicalness is, at root, one generation removed from Puritan domestic discipline.

He went to Charterhouse School, then Oxford, joining his brother Charles. There they formed what they called the Holy Club, and my, it offended everybody else too, as such a name might suggest. They got up at four in the morning to pray, did their studies as ordinary students during the day, then visited the jail, and ran a dispensary for the sick. And they were trying desperately to save themselves by being good. One member of the Holy Club was George Whitefield, that's where their paths crossed. This little group of students were desperately trying to get to heaven by being good. They still hadn't learned how you become a Christian. They were so methodical in the way they got up, and went to the jail, and did this and that, keeping accounts of it all, that other students stopped calling them the Holy Club and gave them a nickname: Methodists. It was a term of abuse. But the nickname stuck, and has stuck to this very day.
The time came when John felt he still wasn't doing enough for God, so he offered for the ministry, as his father had before him, as his brother had before him. John and Charles were ordained by the Archbishop of Canterbury, priests of the Church of England, and still not Christians. And because they knew this in their hearts, they felt they weren't doing enough for God, so they volunteered as missionaries to Georgia, to the Red Indians, thinking: surely if you go as a missionary, you get saved. And they went out to save their own souls. Could you get that far without being a Christian? Of course you can. And they did. They were not only priests, they were missionaries. And they hadn't saved their own souls, desperately trying to.
On the way out, in the middle of the Atlantic, they struck a storm. Everyone panicked, threw things overboard to lighten the ship, thought the end had come. But in the middle of the ship were a group of people, quiet, calm, praying. Moravian refugees, from Hanhut, who knew Count von Zinzendorf. John Wesley went up to them afterward, in his clergyman's garb: why weren't you afraid? They said: why should we be? And one of them began asking about his soul: do you know that Jesus is your savior? This clergyman, John Wesley, replied: I know he is the savior of the world. But do you know that he is your savior? Wesley said yes. But in his diary that night he admitted it was a lie, writing: I go to Georgia to save my own soul. How can I save the souls of the Indians? He came back to London after three miserable years of failure, wondering what to do. His brother came back too, an equal failure.
But praise God, God had someone waiting for them in London: a man called Peter Böhler (Pawson pronounces it "Peter Berler"), another Moravian, from Count Zinzendorf. Peter Böhler got hold of them, talked to them. And there was one never-to-be-forgotten Sunday: John Wesley went to St Paul's Cathedral to worship that morning. Reading his Bible that morning, he opened it and read: "Thou art not far from the kingdom of God." And that night he went to a little meeting of the Moravian Germans on Aldersgate Street. (There's a Barclays Bank there now, but they've put a plaque marking where it happened.) In Aldersgate Street, on 24 May 1738, he went to the meeting, and they read aloud Luther's preface to Romans. (I wonder how many people today would sit through a theological preface being read aloud for hours in church.) But when the clock struck a quarter to nine that night, John Wesley says this: "I felt my heart strangely warmed. I felt I did trust Christ, that he had saved me from my sins, even mine, saved me from the law of sin and death." And an assurance was given him in that moment that he really was a forgiven sinner.
Here was a man who'd been a failed missionary, an ordained priest of the Church of England, who'd done so much good for other people, and yet had never known his own sins forgiven. That's what happens when you try to save yourself, because you're putting your trust in what you do instead of what Christ does. And this was the one thing he'd never learned.
✍︎Kit's note
This whole sequence, Peter Böhler, the St Paul's morning, the Aldersgate meeting on the night of 24 May 1738, reading Luther's preface to Romans, and the "heart strangely warmed" quote, is essentially perfect and can be retold with confidence. Wesley's own Journal entry for 24–25 May 1738 matches almost verbatim: "About a quarter before nine, while [the leader] was describing the change which God works in the heart through faith in Christ, I felt my heart strangely warmed." The pronunciation "Berler" for Böhler, and the plaque marking the site, are both correctly noted.
One genuinely interesting nuance, not a factual error: what warmed Wesley's heart that night was a Lutheran text on justification by faith alone, not a distinctively Wesleyan-Arminian formulation. Aldersgate sits at a real theological hinge between Reformation sola fide and the Revival's newer, experiential emphasis on felt assurance. Scholars (notably Henry Rack, Reasonable Enthusiast, 1989) have long debated whether Aldersgate was Wesley's "conversion" in the born-again sense, or an assurance experience layered onto a faith he already held from his Georgia and pre-Georgia years, Wesley himself later somewhat softened his own retrospective judgment of the night's significance. A nuance that deepens the story, not one that contradicts it.

Soon after, he went to Germany to visit von Zinzendorf, coming back with many hymns which he translated into English. But he came back wanting to preach the gospel. Preach he did, but the pulpits closed to him. Every time he preached in a Church of England building, they told him afterward: that's your first and last visit here. And so he finally reached a point where he couldn't preach at all. Then George Whitefield said to him: John, will you come and preach in the open air? John Wesley thought it the most dreadful thing in the world, an ordained clergyman not preaching from a pulpit. But then he remembered that Christ himself preached the Sermon on the Mount. And he said: if Christ could preach on a mountain, so can I. He went down to Kingswood, outside Bristol, to the miners, and preached. As he preached, he describes in his journal how the tears made "little white rivers down their black cheeks." John Wesley realized God was calling him to the same ministry as George Whitefield, who was now leaving for America. He took up the threads of Whitefield's preaching. That was April 1739, when he began open-air preaching.
He met opposition, dragged by the hair through the streets at times, as in the Wednesbury riots. But in 50 years he traveled a quarter of a million miles on horseback, with a Bible in his hand and a horse between his knees. He'd ride into a village and preach, and this is how he preached: he'd begin with the Ten Commandments, preaching the law, the law by which every man and woman will be judged, and he'd go on preaching the law for days, until people began to look unhappy, began to look troubled. Then, when he realized they were beginning to feel themselves sinners, he says in his diary: "I began to mix a bit of the love of God with the law of God." And a bit more. And a bit more. Until finally I was preaching the gospel of the love of God. Wesley discovered: you cannot preach the love of God until you preach the law. There's no point preaching a Savior to those who never felt their own misery. "What comfort can a Savior bring to those who never felt their woe?", that was written all over his ministry.
His three centers were London, Bristol, Newcastle, and all across that triangle you'll find places Wesley preached. His last sermon was preached at Leatherhead, Surrey. He preached on the principle, as he said, that "the world is my parish", and there may be some truth that he was helped in his travels by an unhappy marriage, keeping him on the move. That was the one real shadow over his life, though many are grateful for it, since it kept him traveling. He traveled and traveled, preached and preached, seven times a day was normal. He didn't only preach, he wrote and published books and pamphlets. He opened schools and orphanages, dispensaries. He was the first to use electric treatment for rheumatism, with a machine you can still see at his house on City Road today, and they've discovered it produces enough electricity to kill a man, but he used it for rheumatism. He was the most varied man, but obviously, he couldn't do it all himself.
The trouble was he had few clergy to work with him. So his mother came up with an idea: what about unordained preachers? Local lay preachers, who wouldn't travel everywhere as he did, but preach locally? One of the very first team of six was John Pawson, and his wife, Frances Pawson, was one of the leading Methodist women of that day. (I suppose our tribal association goes back to that.) With a team like that, John Wesley's reply to his mother was: give me a hundred such men, we're setting them on fire. And they did. When he died, there were 80,000 people meeting in fellowship as a result of his travels.
He didn't do what George Whitefield did, or rather, he did what Whitefield didn't do: when they were converted, he built them into fellowships, largely because the local churches wouldn't have them. He called these not "churches" but "societies," Methodist societies, giving them class leaders whose job it was to lead them spiritually. Then he had, we could say, so many societies in a district, and he called that district a "circuit", because a local preacher could go around it on horseback once a month and preach in every place. So he built horse circuits the local preachers traveled around. This kind of machinery is still used today, though I think it's ill-adapted to the 20th century, but for horseback, it was a very good idea, ideal organization for the setting he was in.
Bear in mind, all this time, John Wesley was a Church of England clergyman. What did they think about him? I'm afraid they thought very badly of him, especially when he ordained ministers for America. And though he never left the Church of England, it was quite obvious that as soon as he died, the Methodist societies would become Methodist churches. And this they did. The split came as soon as he died. But I think John Wesley was to blame, or at least was the man who did all that needed to be done to bring about the separation. I like the remark of someone who said: John Wesley was like a man rowing a boat. He kept his face towards the Church of England, but every pull of his oars took him further from it. That's precisely what he did. And so we're left at the end of the 18th century with a very large group of Methodists, in addition to the Anglicans, in addition to the Presbyterians and the Congregationalists, the Baptists and the Friends. And by century's end, Roman Catholics were allowed back in too. We're beginning to get the kind of picture we live in.
✍︎Kit's note
"80,000" is a reasonable round figure for the British societies alone, but understates the full global Wesleyan movement, more precise standard figures: 71,668 members in 294 societies in Great Britain at Wesley's death (2 March 1791, per the 1791 Conference Minutes), plus roughly 5,300 on overseas mission stations, plus separately about 43,000–60,000 members (figures vary by source) in the newly independent American Methodist Episcopal Church, a combined global total closer to 110,000–130,000. This is a stronger number for Pawson's own triumphant point, not a weaker one.
The "decisive" break can actually be dated more precisely than "as soon as he died", it happened in 1784, seven years before Wesley's death. With American Methodists left without valid clergy after the Revolution (the Church of England had no bishop in the new United States), Wesley, persuaded by Lord Peter King's and Bishop Stillingfleet's argument that in the early church "bishops and presbyters are essentially of one order", personally ordained preachers as deacons and elders and consecrated Thomas Coke as "superintendent" for America on 1–2 September 1784, without episcopal sanction. Charles Wesley's own reaction, "Ordination is separation", captures exactly how radical this was seen to be, even by his own brother. Formal separation of British Methodism from the Church of England came slightly later, via the 1795 Plan of Pacification (after Wesley's death), allowing Methodist preachers to administer the sacraments in their own right. So "as soon as he died" telescopes a process with a clear, dateable, decisive moment years earlier, a stronger, more dramatic story than Pawson's vaguer version. Worth adding: the 1784 ordinations were the single most "Free Church" act of Wesley's entire career, resting on precisely the presbyterian/congregational argument English Separatists, Baptists, and Puritans had made since the late 16th century against episcopal apostolic succession. Wesley spent his life resisting the label "Dissenter," yet when practical necessity forced his hand, he reached for exactly the ecclesiology the Radical Reformation had pioneered two centuries earlier.


Charles Simeon, and five results of the Revival
Now let me finally look at one other great man of this century, right at the end of it. In 1799 (as Pawson tells it), there came a young, dissolute student to Cambridge, by the name Charles Simeon, hunting, shooting, fishing, a gay young man. When he came to Cambridge, he came face to face with his own life, went through a spiritual struggle, and out of it came to a sense of forgiveness. As he put it: "I laid my sins on the head of Jesus." He was shortly ordained to the ministry, and at the early age of 23, went as vicar to Holy Trinity Church, where it was my privilege to preach a month ago. In the vestry, you can see his teapot, his umbrella, pictures of him, Charles Simeon. He preached, and the church was thronged, with a tremendous influence on the students. It was from his congregation that that young man, Henry Martyn, went out to die in Persia as one of the greatest missionaries there's ever been. Charles Simeon must be put in the great list of heroes of this century.
✍︎Kit's note
The year should read 1779, not 1799, flagged unanimously across every independent research pass, and one of the two cleanest corrections in the whole dossier. Simeon (b. 1759) matriculated at King's College, Cambridge in 1779, had his conversion experience there that year, was ordained deacon in 1782, and became vicar (technically perpetual curate) of Holy Trinity Church on 9 November 1782, at age 23, the age-23 detail Pawson gets exactly right, which is precisely why "1799" reads as a spoken slip or mishearing of "1779" (an easy transposition) rather than a considered claim; note 1799 is also, confusingly, the correct founding year of the Church Missionary Society, which Pawson mentions later in this same lecture, plausibly the actual source of the crossed wire. Simeon served Holy Trinity 54 years until his death in 1836. Simeon is a significant hinge figure for evangelical Anglicanism, worth a fuller sentence than Pawson gives him: his massive Horae Homileticae (sermon outlines through the entire Bible) shaped generations of evangelical clergy, and his informal "Simeon Trust" patronage system placed evangelical vicars in livings across England, arguably as institutionally consequential as Wesley's circuit system, though far less colorful.
Now let me finally list some of the practical things that came out of this. I know exactly the kind of thing people say, and they still say it: what's the point of all this gospel preaching and hymn singing? What we need is people who get on and make the world a better place. All this hot gospeling and ranting doesn't do anybody any good. May I say the 18th century gives the lie to that, let me give you five results, very simply.
The first, one the world won't appreciate, but which Christians have appreciated ever since: the century burst into song. I've mentioned Isaac Watts, think of his famous hymns: "I'll Praise My Maker," "O God, Our Help in Ages Past," "When I Survey the Wondrous Cross," "Jesus Shall Reign Where'er the Sun." What about Philip Doddridge? "Hark the Glad Sound, the Saviour Comes," "O God of Bethel." What about Cowper? "God Moves in a Mysterious Way," "There Is a Fountain Filled with Blood." What about Newton? "How Sweet the Name of Jesus Sounds," "Glorious Things of Thee Are Spoken." And above all, Charles Wesley. Charles Wesley wrote 6,000 hymns, for every conceivable occasion. He'd write them on horseback, arrive at a house and say: don't speak to me, give me a pen and paper, quick. And out would come a hymn. We'll finish this service with one he wrote when he was one year old spiritually, on the anniversary of his conversion, when Peter Böhler, the Moravian German, said to Charles Wesley: if I had a thousand tongues, I'd want to sing the praise of Christ. And down it came: "Oh, for a Thousand Tongues to Sing My Great Redeemer's Praise." Among his thousands of others, remember "Hark, the Herald Angels Sing," "And Can It Be," "Love Divine, All Loves Excelling," "Jesus, Lover of My Soul," and "Rejoice, the Lord Is King."
✍︎Kit's note
"6,000 hymns" is a commonly repeated round figure within the plausible range, but modern scholarship puts the true total higher, Dr. Frank Baker's calculations (the standard critical-edition benchmark) put Charles Wesley's output closer to 8,900–9,000 hymns and religious poems: over 4,500 published in his lifetime plus roughly 3,000 more surviving in manuscript. Baker calculated Wesley averaged 10 lines of verse a day for 50 years. A stronger number worth using instead, and one that directly reinforces Pawson's own "wrote on horseback, wherever he was" anecdote.
In most hymn books, you'll find more hymns by Charles Wesley than any other writer, with Isaac Watts a close second. And the last hymn writer Pawson wants to mention, Montgomery, has one they'd sing at communion that day as one of the devotional hymns.
Second, Sunday schools. If I asked you who started Sunday schools, I wonder what you'd say. If you know anything, you'd probably say Robert Raikes in Gloucester. And I tell you, you're wrong. Sunday schools were started by Hannah Ball in High Wycombe, a Methodist lady who lies buried in Stokin Church graveyard. I took my father to see her grave a few weeks ago. Hannah Ball started Sunday schools in a disused furniture factory in High Wycombe, as the result of correspondence with John Wesley. And it was Hannah Ball who suggested to Robert Raikes: why don't you do the same? And the extraordinary thing is there's a statue of Robert Raikes in Gloucester that says "founder of Sunday schools." Well, he copied the idea from a woman. That's one for the fairer sex.
✍︎Kit's note
Ball founding a Sunday school in High Wycombe in 1769, over a decade before Raikes's well-publicized Gloucester initiative (usually dated 1780), and her genuine correspondence with John Wesley, are both solidly documented, a genuinely under-known point Pawson gets right where most textbooks still credit Raikes alone. But the specific causal claim, that Ball personally suggested the idea to Raikes, isn't well evidenced. Most standard accounts describe Raikes's Gloucester effort arising more independently, from his prison-reform interests and contact with a Mrs. Meredith, who was already running a local school. Also worth noting: an even earlier precedent, a Sunday school recorded at St Mary's Church, Nottingham, in 1751, predating both Ball and Raikes. Raikes's true historical role was less inventing Sunday schools than nationally publicizing them, his 1783 account in his own Gloucester Journal is what actually triggered the movement's nationwide spread, a good illustration of how historical "firsts" often get misattributed to whoever controlled the printing press.
Third, social righteousness. When people get converted, they put society right. Poor relief began. Dispensaries distributing free medicine began. Orphanages began. Schools began. Prison reform, John Howard's work in prison reform goes directly back to the 18th-century revival. And above all, the outstanding example: William Wilberforce and his fight against slavery. The last letter John Wesley ever wrote was to William Wilberforce, urging him to complete the fight. If you ever go to Kingston-upon-Hull, go to the William Wilberforce Museum, that too came out of the revival.
Fourth, the tremendous spread of good literature. The Religious Tract Society was a direct result. So was the British and Foreign Bible Society. So were the commentaries of the great Bible teacher Thomas Scott.
And the final one, with which I close: missionary societies began, and the influence of Britain on the world for good spread. There had been some earlier attempts at missionary work, but it was at the end of the 18th century, as a result of that rising temperature, that it really got going. It was in 1792, let me get the date right, that the Baptist Missionary Society was formed. It was a Baptist who really set it going, a cobbler from Northampton, constructing a globe of the world out of offcuts of leather, praying for that world, particularly for India. That Northampton cobbler, converted, encouraged to preach in the Baptist churches of Northamptonshire, met with a group of others one day in Kettering in 1792, took a collection, the famous 13 pounds, two shillings and sixpence, quite a lot in those days, and started the Baptist Missionary Society. A year later they were on their way to India, beginning the great missionary work that followed. That was 1792. Three years later, 1795, the Anglicans, Congregationalists, and Presbyterians, not to be outdone, got together and started the London Missionary Society (LMS), which sent out Morrison to China, Livingstone to Africa, and many other famous missionaries. In 1796, not to be left behind, the Methodists founded the General Methodist Missionary Society. In 1799, the Anglicans decided to have one of their own, and the Church Missionary Society was started. And it was just in this period that the British and Foreign Bible Society began, all at the end of the century. This was the direct result of the Evangelical Revival of the 18th century. Who says that hot gospeling has no results? Who says the world isn't changed because people get excited about the Lord?
✍︎Kit's note
The Kettering founding is confirmed almost exactly: the meeting was 2 October 1792, in the back parlor of the widow of deacon Beeby Wallis, Kettering (a plaque still marks the site), and the subscription totaled £13 2s 6d (roughly £1,180–£1,300 in modern purchasing power), regarded as the founding act of the modern Protestant missionary movement. This is Pawson at his most precise and can be retold with full confidence. The 1796 Methodist and 1799 Anglican (Church Missionary Society) founding dates are also accurate.
Worth naming: that cobbler was William Carey, whom Pawson never names despite Carey being arguably the single most consequential figure in this whole section, author of the pivotal 1792 pamphlet An Enquiry into the Obligations of Christians to Use Means for the Conversion of the Heathen, which supplied the theological argument for the Kettering meeting. Also worth a precision: Carey was a shoemaker in Moulton, a village near Northampton (not Northampton town itself), and by the time of the Kettering meeting he was pastoring the Baptist church in Leicester, having already left shoemaking for full-time ministry, so "cobbler from Northampton" is close popular shorthand rather than a strict error.
The London Missionary Society (1795) claim telescopes two much later events into the founding year. Robert Morrison did not sail for China until 1807, twelve years after the LMS's founding. David Livingstone (born 1813, eighteen years after the LMS was founded) did not depart for Africa until 1840/41. Both were genuinely LMS missionaries, but citing them as part of the society's immediate 1790s missionary wave alongside Carey's 1793 departure is anachronistic, Livingstone in particular belongs to a different generation entirely, mid-19th century.
“Who Says Gospel Preaching Has No Results?”
Five practical results of the Revival
1
Hymnody
Watts, Doddridge, Cowper, Newton, and nearly 9,000 hymns from Charles Wesley
2
Sunday schools
Hannah Ball preceded Robert Raikes by over a decade
3
Social righteousness
Prison reform (Howard), abolition (Wilberforce), poor relief, orphanages
4
Literature
The Religious Tract Society, the British & Foreign Bible Society
5
Missionary societies
Baptist (1792, Carey), LMS (1795), Methodist (1796), CMS (1799)








Closing: "do it again, Lord"
The one lesson I want to draw out of the whole century, for tonight, is this: what a man believes will affect his behavior. Cold intellectualism, bad morals; hot gospel, and all this follows. Somebody has said that the early Methodists were like a cluster of chaste snowdrops growing on a foul rubbish heap. If you want to understand the Methodist emphasis on not drinking or gambling, you must understand the tradition goes back to the reality of the 18th century, they had to insist on it to get a man anywhere near the Lord. But they fought for it, and they cleaned England up.
A historian in France has said that if you want to understand why the French Revolution, and the enthronement of reason, and the anarchy that followed, did not spread to England, you must study the life of the Reverend John Wesley. That's an amazing tribute. God had his answer. Where man's cold reason, saying you've got to prove everything before you believe it, was killing religion dead, and when you kill religion, you kill morals, God raised up men who pointed to revelation, who pointed to a God giving us knowledge that science can neither prove nor disprove, and preached a gospel of supernatural miracle and a living God who could step in and change a life, and change a society. That neither nature nor human nature was governed by blind laws, but that both were governed by God, and that God could turn both to his eternal purposes.
✍︎Kit's note
The "cluster of chaste snowdrops on a foul rubbish heap" comparison could not be verified in any searchable source, despite multiple independent checks (against Isaac Taylor's Wesley and Methodism, Southey's Life of Wesley, and general Methodist-history quote collections). It has the flavor of 19th-century Methodist hagiographic prose, but should be treated as unverified, not a sourced quotation. And the "unnamed French historian" line is a real and important thesis, but shouldn't be presented as a settled, sourced direct quotation. This is a popularized version of the well-known Halévy thesis, proposed by French historian Élie Halévy (1870–1937) in his 1906 essay "La naissance du méthodisme en Angleterre," developed further in A History of the English People in the Nineteenth Century, arguing that Methodism's diffusion of personal discipline, sobriety, and individual (rather than political) transformation through the working and middle classes helped England avoid the revolutionary upheaval that convulsed France after 1789. The specific sentence Pawson quotes ("you must study the life of the Reverend John Wesley") couldn't be verified as Halévy's own verbatim wording in any source checked, it reads as a preacher's condensation of the broader thesis.
More importantly: this thesis is a genuinely live historiographical debate, not settled fact. The major counter-voice is E. P. Thompson, in The Making of the English Working Class (1963), chapter "The Chiliasm of Despair," arguing that Methodism functioned at least as much as social control and psychological compensation for political defeat among workers as it did a liberating or stabilizing civic force. Other historians note England's different social structure, aristocracy, and constitutional monarchy already made a French-style revolution politically and economically less likely, independent of Methodism's influence. A well-balanced piece should present Pawson's "amazing tribute" as a genuinely live historiographical debate, not settled history.
That's the message I wanted to bring you tonight. Great men of God were warmed up again, and brought the gospel of Jesus Christ to this land. And we still benefit from the effects of that revival, 200 years and more later.
Closing prayer. O God our Father, there is one prayer in all our hearts. Do it again, Lord. You are still the same God. Your arm is not shortened that you are not able to save today. We pray that in the decline of our society, with things on every hand that disturb us, with the revival even of that immoral literature of the 18th century again on the screen, with all this, Lord, do it again. Raise up men who will be fearless to preach Christ. Raise up such an army of evangelists, and men and women on fire for the Lord, that this country again may resound to the ring of the gospel, and we may see again an influence go out from this nation for good, in the whole of the rest of the world. O God, you have blessed us greatly in the past, but we cannot live in the past. We must live now, and we pray that in our day and generation we too may discover the forgiveness of sins in Christ Jesus, and then go out to tell others of the love that can forgive them. Amen.
Three centuries, three lectures, one continuous story: every time the Church was captured by the state, by German princes, by the Zurich council, by the English Parliament, the result was always war, prison, or a spiritual life gone cold. And every time, there were those who refused to let it happen: Anabaptists drowned for believing in voluntary baptism; Helwys dying in Newgate prison for writing the king to demand liberty of conscience for "heretics, Turks, and Jews"; Bunyan writing Pilgrim's Progress in a cell; Wesley riding a quarter of a million miles to carry the gospel to places the established pulpits had shut against him. By the close of the 18th century, the price of those three centuries had purchased what Scripture calls liberty of conscience, a freedom whose price, as Pawson repeats throughout, "is eternal vigilance," and one that can be lost as easily as it was once lost.
Part 5 of this series, God willing, will carry the story into the 19th century: from the revival that spread after Wesley and Whitefield, through the social and theological upheavals that would shape the Church heading into the 20th century.